commies

[right]

The Khmer Rouge destroyed education in Cambodia – now the country is fighting back

Photojournalist Paddy Dowling meets a teacher who lived through the horrors of Pol Pot, and the children for whom schooling is now a precious gift

www.independent.co.uk

This article discusses the brutally of Pol Pot, who tortured and murdered everyone with an education.
One information of the state is accepted

Why is it that Pol Pot killed all the educated people.
Does propaganda lose all credibility with an education?

 

[right]

Ronnie the bane of Communism.
This joke is classic.

 

[Eltitoguay]

 

[right]

Man made famine in the Soviet Ukraine.

Holodomor - Wikipedia

en.m.wikipedia.org

Also note the genocide issue in the article.

 

[Eltitoguay]

I don't know what all this is but it looks like all the lengthy communist propaganda rags that you are plastering in the COMMIES THREAD.
I'm not going to read it and neither is anyone else

 

[Eltitoguay]

An example of when Revolutionary Marxism is democratically elevated to power:
Pepe Mujica; an example of struggle, humility, stoicism, coherence, and humanism.

José Mujica - Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre

es.wikipedia.org

José Mujica - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

Movimiento de Liberación Nacional-Tupamaros - Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre

es.wikipedia.org

Tupamaros - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

Frente Amplio (Uruguay) - Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre

es.wikipedia.org

Broad Front (Uruguay) - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

Movimiento de Participación Popular - Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre

es.wikipedia.org

Movement of Popular Participation - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

Pepe Mújica:​

"Socialism is not to fight against freedom or against the market, but against selfishness" :​

By: Lluís Muñoz Pandiella; 27/10/2022

Former Uruguayan President, José Mujica, is our guest in this edition of Exclusivo.
At 87 years old, he reviews the war in Ukraine, the current ecological disaster ("We are walking, 'joyfully and unconsciously'?, towards an Ecological Holocaust"),

the state of the left and his personal evolution: From being a Tupamaro's guerrilla fighter and spending 15 years in prison, to his Presidency of Uruguay.
A conversation in which there was also space for existential reflections on the place of humans in the world: "My role is for the new generations to make the mistakes of their time, not ours."

"We are in a civilizational change, based on both the use and abuse of Knowledge:
If we do not invest everything we can in the education of our children and young people, we will never achieve Socialism...not even an "acceptably decent" Capitalism..."

"Putin's barbarism is a consequence of the "false closure" of the Cold War"

"History showed that attempting certain socialisms and by the methods used were not possible, and furthermore, as Olof Palme said, they were the longest and most painful path to Capitalism"

Olof Palme – Wikipedia

sv.wikipedia.org

Olof Palme - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

"I don't think you can dream of a better society and Socialism, leaving Freedom along the way, and human cooperation as a factor of progress"

"When Socialism comes to power, although it supports self-management and social participation to the maximum possible, it should not begin to fight against the market: it should "overcome" it if possible, over time, combining social participation with the best of private initiative"

"I don't know if an authentic Socialist "Revolution" is possible or not, but I do see it as more impossible the more Third World, backward and uneducated a country/society is:
The Socialist Revolution must be a leap and a cultural/ethics evolution of society, and through a leap and a cultural/ethics evolution of society"

"No social fighter can completely discard the armed struggle in the face of a dictatorship."

"Old age has made me more conservative..., but despite my gray hair, I never betrayed the Marxist fighter inside me: I still firmly believe that Capitalism must be overcome by society, because Capitalism takes us to a gigantic grave for the species"

La Entrevista - 'Pepe' Mujica: "El socialismo no puede pelearse con la libertad ni el mercado, sino con el egoísmo"

El expresidente de Uruguay, José Mujica, es nuestro invitado en esta edición de Exclusivo. A sus 87 años hace un repaso a la guerra de Ucrania, al estado de la izquierda y a su evolución personal: desde…

www.france24.com

 

[right]

As an American hero John Wayne stood up against communism

 

[Eltitoguay]

 

[Eltitoguay]

An article by the Peruvian-Spaniard Nobel Prize, Mario Vargas LLosa, in El País :

THE URUGUYAN EXAMPLE :​

Freedom has its risks and those who believe in it must be willing to take them.​

This is what the government of José Mujica has understood by legalizing marijuana and gay marriage. And it should be applauded.​

MARIO VARGAS LLOSA; 28 DEC 2013

Mario Vargas Llosa - Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre

es.wikipedia.org

"The Economist, was right to declare Uruguay the country of the year and to describe as admirable the two most radical liberal reforms adopted in 2013 by the government of President José Mujica:
Gay marriage, and the legalization and regulation of the production, sale and consumption of cannabis/marihuana."
Continue in:

El ejemplo uruguayo

La libertad tiene sus riesgos y quien cree en ella debe estar dispuesto a correrlos. Así lo ha entendido el Gobierno de José Mujica al legalizar la marihuana y el matrimonio gay. Y hay que aplaudirlo

elpais.com

 

[audiohi]

As an American hero John Wayne stood up against communism

 

[Eltitoguay]

Je, je...(Just to provoke, heh); Well, and from there, to asking for the return of the glorious empire of the USSR,

and to sing praises to the also glorious Red Army, there is only one small step...

 

[Eltitoguay]

INTERWIEW.
PEPE, PRESIDENT OF URUGUAY :

"Capitalism seems to have given its all"

"The logical thing is that democratic socialism replaces it."

"We have to transform the State, make that revolution, evaluates"

"In any system, nothing is more beautiful, more precious, than life."

"It is worth fighting for people to have a little more food"

"The great distributing element in society, at least in today's society, is the salary"

The meeting with José Mujica took place under a tree on his farm, a few kilometers from Montevideo

He took a thermos and began to make mates for everyone who was at the interview

He was offered thousands of dollars, but Mujica has said he will never sell his 1987 Volkswagen.

Carlos Gabetta*
Special for La Jornada
La Jornada Newspaper
Sunday February 22, 2015, p. 2

Pepe, President . Said like that, as in the title, it sounds like an electoral slogan. But José Mujica is about to conclude –on March 1st– his term as President and he is more Pepe than ever.
 I have been in the profession for half a century and I have had the opportunity to meet and/or interact to varying degrees with the most diverse leaders, from Ronald Reagan to Raúl Alfonsín, including Fidel Castro, Mijail Gorbachov, Lula, François Mitterrand, Sandro Pertini, Michelle Bachelet and Carlos Menem, but Pepe is out of the mold; he is decidedly something else. The only acquaintance who resembles him in democratic attitude and simplicity is the Argentine Arturo Illía, but he was far from Pepe 's theoretical arsenal and political and life experience .

On February 11th, at 10 in the morning, Swiss journalist Camilla Landböe, photographer Oscar Bonilla, the kind interview manager Federico Fasano Mertens, the press director of the Presidency of Uruguay Joaquin Costanzo and myself arrived at Pepe 's simple, flowery farm , a few kilometers from Montevideo. The President comes out to greet us, wearing a rolled-up shirt with his jeans undone, sneakers with half-tied laces and a baseball cap. He greets us, shakes hands, we sit under a tree, he grabs a thermos and begins to prepare mates for the whole group. From time to time he interrupts to ask Bonilla to lend him some tobacco and paper to roll a cigarette.

But even though this description suggests it, there is nothing of a pose or picturesqueness in Pepe Mujica. He breathes, sweats, transmits authenticity, demonstrated in his life throughout his life and above all in what he does, in what he says. I have not known politicians, much less Presidents, who express themselves with such freedom about the limitations and problems of their administration, about their own supporters and allies, with a language that is a mix of profound intellectual and man of the street. Pepe is one of those rare Marxists who have understood Marx's humanistic materialism and make efforts to bring it up to date. In any case, he is a cultured and deeply honest, sincere man. You can agree or disagree with all or part of what he expresses, but it is impossible not to marvel at such a character.

Pepe , President of the Eastern Republic of Uruguay...

CG (Carlos Gabetta): Let's start with the formalities: how do we address you? We call you President, Mr. Mujica, José or…

JM (José Mujica): Pepe… and we are on first-name terms with each other.

CG: Thank you, Pepe. Let's begin then. For a man like you, who fought in the 1970s for rapid, definitive political, economic and social changes; for a revolution, and who paid for it, among other things, with 15 years in prison... What does it mean, years after all those experiences, to be President-elect, to find yourself at the head of a centre-left alliance, with colleagues who have different ideas and with the responsibility of government?

JM: Men, like any living thing, love life very much. Back then we wanted a perfect world. Afterwards we suffered a lot, but because of a lack of speed, because they caught us (laughter), not because we were heroes. But then we began to revalue the role of life, nothing more and nothing less… It is worth fighting so that people have a little more food, better shelter, better health, better education, and spend their time on the planet as best as possible. But nothing is more beautiful, more precious than life… And this is so in capitalism, it was so in feudalism, it was so for primitive man… and it will be so in socialism. There is nothing like life…
That is what we learned in those years, that life is the first value, and in any case the second value is society.

That is why we are now moving slowly but firmly, trying to support transformations that are relative; slow, because they must be agreed upon; that are not definitive, because the only definitive thing is death…

CG: What you say could be understood, translated, as an adaptation to reality…

JM: One never really adapts to reality, which is so complex… It is a way of seeing the world… some see it through a religious equation, others through a purely ideological one… I feel more and more related to old philosophers like Seneca, like Epicurean, like…

CG: Heraclitus…

JM: Yes… Of course, there are convictions, an intellectual journey that one is not going to give up, but we must not be schematic… I think that man, as an animal that he is, because of the hard drive that we have inside, is gregarious; he is not a feline, he is anthropologically socialist. In what sense? He needs the community to live; he cannot live in isolation, he has a deep dependence on the social group. He has lived more than 90 percent of his human existence in a primitive way; he did not separate what was mine from what was yours. Property, competition and all that came later. The development of civilization was shaping his individuality; the finished notion of an individual hoarder is modern, capitalist. We are capitalists by historical formation, because we live in this moment of the development of civilization.

CG: A few days ago I read a phrase of yours: we will have war until nature forces us to be civilized …

JM: And yes, that is where we are going. Capitalism, like everything else, is contradictory. On the one hand, there is injustice, inequality, wars; but that selfishness that it carries within is a formidable engine, which has developed science, technology, all that, right? Capitalism has given us many blows, but it gave us 40 more years of average life in the last century… what do you think? Now it seems to have given everything it has; the logical thing is that democratic socialism replaces it, but the time of history is long. Capitalism developed for three centuries without political democracy…

CG: You once said something like, “ You shouldn’t complain about problems; you have to face them .”

JM: Yes, the thing is to find the way…

CG: Precisely, once you are in a government like the one you preside over, how do you resolve these contradictions?

JM: We negotiate what we can, trying to contribute to making society as equitable as possible, constantly intervening with fiscal and social policies, encouraging the organization of workers so that they can discuss the price of their hands. Because ultimately, the great distributing element in society, at least in today's society, is the salary. It is not the only one, and it also has a limit, because if I put my hand too deep in the pocket of the one who has to invest, he does not invest and in the end I have less to share... Look at the human and practical result that the hurried, definitive experiments of socialism have had: in the end they had less to share...

CG: They were also anti-democratic experiments…

JM: Of course, because when everything gets smaller, you have to resort to repressive ferocity… But the worst thing about this socialism is the bureaucracy… You start to depend not on the producers, but on the foremen… Capitalism has the problems that we know, but there is always something to learn, even from the adversary. We must learn from intelligence, not from stupidity.

CG: How far has the Broad Front (FA) advanced and what remains to be done?

JM: The problem is that we have a legacy, as is normal. From the 40s onwards – the dates may be arbitrary – in Uruguay democracy began to weaken; we fell into clientelism, into using the State to place many people, too many people, and thus we lost competitiveness. Because of a protectionism towards people who work, we created a category of practically untouchable officials whose future is assured; entering the State, within 40 years they retire and no one touches them, no matter what they do. The State lost vigor, and obviously the unionists defend those conquests , thus becoming defenders of the status quo that shackled the State… Touching that in Uruguay is like making a revolution… So, we are left halfway.

The Front tried to strengthen the conquests by being less demagogic, trying to use and do things a little better, but we have to transform the State, make that revolution. We have the instruments, but we must come to an agreement: in addition to energy, communications, etc., the State has in its hands the main bank of the country; 60 percent of the banking movement is in the hands of the State and we (the FA) are raising the slogan that we must nationalize the banks …

Why are you going to nationalize the banks? State banks have to operate in such a way that private banks have no other choice but to accept the rules of the game. That is one of the challenges we have ahead of us.

CG: Along with Chile, and unlike Argentina, in Uruguay the crimes of the dictatorship of the 70s enjoyed a statute of limitations, which was put to a vote…

JM: I think the Uruguayan people were afraid… and with good will, to some extent decided to bite the bullet … Difficult, hard, but they prioritized tranquility.

CG: But then the Supreme Court declared some aspects of that law of oblivion, so to speak, unconstitutional. How was this matter handled by your government?

JM: The problem is complex. On the one hand, the criminals are not going to accuse themselves; on the other, they have left very few clues, I would say none, for Justice to be fully applied, which would take a very long time. Truth and justice are usually contradictory and the problem is in the political division and the fights, the hatred, that this generates in society when it is prolonged over time. Look at Argentina, they started well, but then they started creating such a generalized and massive mess that 30 years have passed and there are loose ends everywhere… Not in Uruguay… We had violence and a dictatorship, but people decided to forget it, if you want. We will see how the Supreme Court is resolved institutionally.
Finally, speaking of justice and not only with regard to the crimes of the dictatorship, Uruguay operates with a legal system in accordance with the past, but not with the changes needed in the present. If you in Uruguay want to put a tax on land, on the concentration of land, they end up declaring it unconstitutional. As in the whole world and always in history, jurisprudence was thought up and installed by the dominant classes, the conservative layers. We have to deal with that; we have not transformed it. We (the FA) should have promoted a constitutional reform a long time ago, because if you do not change the legal instruments, then you find yourself with these contradictions, with a formidable brake. Justice, that lady who is placed with a blindfold on and a scale in her hands... that does not exist, because justice reflects the weight of the classes that dominate in a society. The legal instruments are subject to history, and history is a class struggle... Everything is therefore influenced by politics. I believe that there is no more political act than a revolution, and all revolutions have been founding laws, sources of jurisprudence. In other words, the class or classes that predominate are those that establish the laws. That is what we need now, democratic changes, that is, approved by the majority, but in depth, that reflect and at the same time allow the changes that Uruguay needs at present.

CG: Marx would agree with you.

JM: Rather, I agree with Marx…

CG: I would like to move on to the regional issue, Pepe. Mercosur, for example, was created in 1989 and has not yet gone beyond a few trade and customs agreements, which do not work very well either… What do you think of these organizations, their present situation, and what they should be?

JM: In South America, and in all of Latin America, we have a great challenge ahead of us. If we do not create mechanisms that integrate us, that can give us a significant international presence, we will continue to be like loose leaves in the wind. It is evident that gigantic units are being organized in the world. China is a very old plurinational state; India is similar. The United States, with its power and needs, with Canada behind it and Mexico, that morsel within reach, has already become a unit. Europe, with all the problems it is facing, is still in the project of forming a gigantic unit. And if it fails tomorrow, it will end up swallowed up by a larger unit.

And what are we doing in this world, a bunch of isolated republics that are running behind? We are still involved in the national project . In the key countries of Latin America, Brazil, Argentina, Mexico, the leaders talk and assume an integrationist discourse, but from a practical point of view, they are up to their ears in the contradictions of the national State. Outwardly, towards the other countries of the region, they act according to their internal tensions… We are far from having a construction policy. We made a customs pact to negotiate, okay?... but as soon as there is some internal contradiction, okay!, they put the plug on it… A few days ago I was at an event of the Brazilian Workers' Party, where none other than President Dilma Rousseff and Lula were present… I listened attentively to all the speeches, and at no time did they talk about integration. And they do not do it out of malice; they are the best. Every time we have a problem with Brazil, we talk and negotiate and we solve it, but internal politics and Brazil's problems dictate the agenda… So what are we doing? We create organizations, new institutions, Mercosur, Unasur…

The integration project is 200 years old, since San Martín, Bolívar, Artigas, but the left-wing parties have been so clumsy that it is not a popular banner; nowhere in Latin America is there a mass demonstration fighting for integration… it barely has a veneer of intellectual character, but it is not integrated as a basic historical necessity.

Do you know who the most integrationist of us are? Small countries, out of necessity… because we are running behind. Integration requires leadership, and that leadership is called Brazil… but Argentina should be there, and it is not there at all, rather the opposite, it is as if Argentina had gone back to a vision from 1960.

CG: As soon as it has the wind at its back, Argentina forgets about integration; when things are going well, it turns to the other side…

JM: Also Brazil… I'm going to make a confession: the president of Brazil once told me: “Oh, Pepe, with Argentina you have to have strategic patience…!”

Brazil has supported the Argentines in everything, in everything… But it does not want to lose them as an ally. Argentina ends up being decisive in everything… what Argentina does or does not do will influence the direction that Brazil takes.

CG: Did Dilma say that? Or Lula?

JM: Dilma. Lula thinks the same… And they come to me to take charge of the struggle for integration. Lula says: I can’t, Pepe, I can’t because I’m Brazilian (…) there is a strong bourgeoisie from São Paulo, which without political direction, colonizes instead of integrating. They make an investment in Uruguay and buy something that we made instead of founding something new. Now we have 40 percent of the meat packing plants in the hands of Brazilians. They go to Argentina and do the same. That only disintegrates us…

CG: Argentines do the same when they can…

JM: Also, because that is natural in capitalist voracity. But politically speaking… I am not going to ask the bourgeoisie to be socialists…

CG: But they must be good bourgeois…

JM: Of course!... That is the most serious of all the problems... our bourgeoisies are very backward, they are capitalist bourgeoisies, but they have a pre-capitalist mentality; in any case, dependent.

La Jornada: El capitalismo parece haber dado todo de sí: Mujica

Lo lógico es que el socialismo democrático lo remplace Tenemos que transformar el Estado, hacer esa revolución, evalúa En cualquier sistema, <q>nada es más hermoso, más preciado, que la vida</q> Vale la pena pelear para que la gente tenga un poco más de comida, dice El gran elemento...

www.jornada.com.mx

 

[right]

Better dead than red

 

[Chi13]

I posted this in the gun rights thread, but I thought it might be relevant here
View attachment 19072834

I live in a Western democracy with tight gun control and very thankful I do. My country couldn't be further from those examples. Fidel doesn't belong with the other three imo.

I find it weird that Americans associate gun ownership with freedom.

Apologies to gun responsible gun owners (probably the majority), but I just can't see how having a heap of guns in society is a good thing. We don't have many mass shootings here and the last major one brought about major gun control. The only decent thing our prime minister did at the time was stare down the gun lobby.

 

[Chi13]

Better dead than red

Ever been to a Communist country and seen for yourself?

 

[Eltitoguay]

Ever been to a Communist country and seen for yourself?

I think it is impossible: there has been no country that has gone this far, to communism. And we already know the end of certain attempts, which sacrificed freedom and popular democracy for authoritarianism or single-party dictatorship.
Remember what J. Mujica said: "I don't know if an authentic Socialist "Revolution" is possible or not, but I do see it as more impossible the more Third World, backward and uneducated a country/society is:
The Socialist Revolution must be a leap and a cultural/ethics evolution of society, and through a leap and a cultural/ethics evolution of society.
It is not enough to take power and change the means and modes of production..."
Because it is one thing for Socialism to come to power with a revolution, and another to build an authentic socialist society.

However, despite its final degeneration, one cannot stop claiming the Sandinista Revolution until Noriega became a demented old man, the Cuban Revolution until it was pushed into post-Stalinist Sovietization, the first phase of the Granada Revolution, the Carnations' Portuguese Revolution, the fight and the first years after the independence of Angola and Mozambique, ; the achievements of women in the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic of the Polisario...

Also very interesting are the arrival of socialists and communists to the governments, after winning democratic elections :
Like the Popular Fronts of France, Spain, and Chile in the '30's, 70's Salvador Allende in Chile and the coup d'état sponsored by the Capitalist Democracy of the USA because they preferred a capitalist dictatorial butcher to a democratic socialist in power, the previous figjt and the overcoming of South African Aparheit without civil war by Nelson Mandela, the ANC of that time, and its other socialist and comunist allies and the Mandela's goberment in South Africa, the first years of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, the Uruguay of José Mujica...
Or the social democratic-socialist-communist coalition that governs Spain in recent years after the infamous era of unlimited corruption and dismantling of the social state, of the brute right of the Popular Party :

Evaluando la gestión de Yolanda Díaz | Economistas Frente a la Crisis

En su libro Un pueblo traicionado, el historiador Paul Preston explica, con profusión de episodios, que durante el último siglo y medio las élites españolas han sido un obstáculo para el progreso por su corrupción e ineptitud. Y que esa desgraciada actitud ha provocado graves problemas sociales...

economistasfrentealacrisis.com

 

[Eltitoguay]

And come on, for my next message, go grab your travel backpacks (don't forget to put your paperback copy of Capital), I'll take you on a trip in time and space to the Portugal...

...of the Carnations Revolution ...

A TRIUMPHANT REVOLUTION IN WESTERN EUROPE 50 YEARS AGO :

Revolución de los Claveles - Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre

es.wikipedia.org

Revolução de 25 de Abril de 1974 – Wikipédia, a enciclopédia livre

pt.wikipedia.org

Carnation Revolution - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

At 2 in the morning on April 25, 1974, this song signaled the beginning of the Revolution...

 

[Eltitoguay]

A TRIUMPHANT REVOLUTION IN WESTERN EUROPE 50 YEARS AGO :

​

The Carnation Revolution :​

Peaceful popular-military movement that overthrew the dictatorial regime in Portugal and its colonial domination in Africa :​

“Despite being a 'pressure cooker',
Portugal in 1973 and early 1874 did not live in
a pre-insurrectional situation. It was the
military coup, largely involuntarily, that
would change the quality of popular protagonism".
Jorge Costa
Portuguese journalist.
​

On April 25, 1974, a song gave rise to a revolution that, between carnations and hugs, peacefully ended about four decades of dictatorship of António de Oliveira Salazar in Portugal.
That day a new era began.

The so-called Carnation Revolution was a military and popular uprising in Portugal due to the denial of the exercise of civil rights of the population, censorship and not being able to participate in the election of their rulers: democratic elections had not been called since 1925, this being a serious violation of social rights, and this is how, thanks to this popular movement, Portugal became a democratic and legal State. [1]

“Grand, dark village, land of fraternity, the people are the ones who order most within you, oh city [2] ” sounded at 0:25 hours on April 25, 1974 on Radio Renascença, a Catholic radio station.



It was the second signal for the uprising against the Salazar dictatorship; the first was broadcast by Radio Emmisores Associados of Lisbon at 22:55 hours on April 24, and was “E depois do adeus” (And after the goodbye), a piece by Paulo de Carvahlo. Grand was the work of José Afonso (José Manuel Cerqueira Afonso dos Santos), a famous singer-songwriter of rebellion and resistance.



Several members of the Armed Forces Movement (MFA), who had taken up arms, had heard the song at the end of a show by the fado singer and activist Amália Rodrigues at the Lisbon Coliseum on March 29, 1974, choosing it as the password to start what would later be called the Carnation Revolution. [3]

In line with the totalitarian regimes of Italy and Germany, Oliveira Salazar's government was established under the motto "God, Country and Family", calling itself the New State a system of control that, under the appearance of democracy, endorsed under the internal Constitution all kinds of censorship, lack of freedoms and repression by its International Police and State Defense (PIDE), fueled in turn by shady networks of informants.

António de Oliveira Salazar - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

This Salazarist State began in 1926, when a coup d'état ended the previous parliamentary regime and Oliveira Salazar was named Minister of Finance, managing to stabilize the currency and, consequently, access the presidency in 1932. Later he was Prime Minister, from 1958 to 1968, the year in which he suffered an accident, a blow that left him unable to continue governing. His ultraconservative policy was maintained in the hands of his substitute, Marcelo Caetano, until the civil and military revolution defeated him. Both were accompanied by Américo Tomás from the Portuguese presidency.

The April Captains, as those who participated in the movement are known, were mostly young people who refused to continue fighting the Portuguese colonialist wars, tired of seeing their comrades die.
They were joined by the people, sunk in misery and fed up with state violence and the lack of freedom. A young seamstress and waitress Celeste Caeiro, with a basket full of carnations (the flower of the season) from where she worked, knowing that there was an insurrection brewing, approached the central Rossio square.

Celeste Caeiro – Wikipédia, a enciclopédia livre

pt.wikipedia.org

It was 9 a.m. on April 25. A young soldier asked her for a cigarette, she didn't have one and instead she gave him a red carnation, which the young man put in the muzzle of his rifle. The other soldiers imitated the act and placed the flowers in the muzzles of their rifles, becoming a sign that their movement was peaceful.

As the day progressed and people continued to arrive, the streets were filled with flowers and hugs, the population emotionally and spontaneously placed the carnations they carried in the muzzles of the young libertarians' rifles, and in some strategic places, they rushed to accompany them to the barracks to confront the minister, while the streets continued to fill with carnations, thus giving rise to the name of the popular movement by which it is known until now: The Carnation Revolution [4]

On April 25, after hearing the slogans on the radio, the members of the MFA took to the streets to overthrow the dictatorship, to meet the people, who were comrades and in solidarity, marching with them, gathering together, taking over the spaces and roads. Knowing the rigidity and violence of the regime, they had asked people to stay at home: ignoring them, they demonstrated alongside them, carrying carnations in Lisbon.

Under the coordination of Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho, from the first hours of the day in check, Captain Fernando Salgueiro Maia occupied, at the head of the horsemen of the Practical Cavalry School of Santarém, the Terreiro do Paço - the land, now a square, where the Royal Palace of Lisbon had been located, destroyed during the earthquake of 1755 -, later surrounding the Carmo barracks of the National Republican Guard, Caetano's refuge. Towards that place the massive demonstration was directed, forcing the president to hand over power, for fear of the popular force, to General Antonio de Spínola, who was a member of the old Portuguese armed forces, and had even been governor of Guinea-Bissau, but had clearly seen, and raised, the need for a reform to get out of the acute integral crisis of the country [5] .
That was why he had joined the conspirators, because that was what the members of the MFA were, forced to act secretly, in hiding, so as not to be repressed and annihilated.

Only the PIDE—recently appointed by Marcelo Caetano as the Directorate General of Security (DGS)—remained, refusing to be defeated. When its headquarters on Antonio Maria Cardoso Street was surrounded by the Portuguese people, it opened fire on them: four deaths stained what had until then been a day of pacifist struggle. The headquarters was taken, and the PIDE/DGS was officially dissolved that same day. At 5 p.m. Caetano surrendered, handing power over to Antonio Spinola. Many of his agents fled to Francoist Spain. Immediately after this, the political prisoners in the Caixas prison were released and the return of the leaders in exile began. Antonio de Oliveira Salazar did not live through the Carnation Revolution; he died in July 1970. Marcelo Caetano and Américo Tomás were allowed to leave the country for Brazil, and General António de Spínola became the first president of Portugal after the revolution. Spínola had put the regime on edge two months before April 25, by publishing a book in which he advocated a political solution to the colonial wars. On the day of the uprising, he received Caetano's surrender and led the Junta de Salvación Nacional, created to advance the transition to democracy from April 26. On April 26, in a televised message, he pledged to promote the awareness of the Portuguese, allowing the full expression of all currents of opinion, and to facilitate the calling of elections. He was president from May 1974 until September of that year, when he resigned. [6]

On 27 June 1976, Portugal held its first free presidential elections, which were won by Antonio dos Santos Ramalho Eanes, one of the members of the MFA.

The new parliamentary democracy ended the colonialist war and guaranteed independence to Guinea-Bissau, Angola, Mozambique, Cape Verde, Macao, Sao Tome and Principe, and Timor, as well as freedom and social and economic achievements for the Portuguese. Since then, April 25 has been a national holiday, dedicated to the memory of the revolutionary feat, and to the reflection on its background, forms and consequences. [7]

---

[1] http://www.ipsnoticias.net/2013/04/portugal-revolucion-de-los-claveles-bajo-la-sombra-de-la-troika/
[2] https://youtu.be/ mb9YCeQ1CCA
[3] https://elpais.com/cultura/2018/04/25/actualidad/1524648806_683408.html
[4] https://www.elperiodico.com/es/internacional/20160424/esta-mujer-es- celeste-the-woman-who-with-a-small-gesture-gave-name-to-the-carnation-revolution-5081401
[5] https://www.lavanguardia.com/histor...7313790018/la-revolucion-de-los-claveles.html
[6] https://www.lavanguardia.com/internacional/20190425/461855976444/ revolucion-claveles-portugal-45-aniversario-claves.html
[7] https://www.ecured.cu/Revolución_de-los-Claveles

Revolución de los Claveles. Movimiento popular- militar pacifico que derroca el régimen dictatorial en Portugal y su dominación colonial en África | Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos - México

“A pesar de ser una ‘olla de presión’, el Portugal de 1973 e inicios de 1874 no vivió una situación pre insurreccional. Sería el golpe militar, en gran medida involuntariamente, el que cambiaría la calidad del protagonismo popular.” Jorge Costa Periodista portugués

www.cndh.org.mx

 

[right]

No Chi13. But I grew up in a socialist country. I Would like to visit the former Soviet Union and Poland. A satellite state of the Soviet Union.
I wouldn't want to get stuck in some gollag

 

[Eltitoguay]

May - 2014
Jordi Évole interviews the president of Uruguay José Mujica, in SALVADOS :

"I don't want to use the word austerity anymore because it was prostituted in Europe" José Mujica

There are presidents who live in palaces, who travel in armoured cars, who enjoy domestic service... And then there is José "Pepe" Mujica , guerrilla, congressman, senator and president of Uruguay, currently in the international spotlight for making sobriety, more than a speech, a way of life.

Accompanied by his dog Manuela, he welcomes us to his country house on the outskirts of Montevideo, the place where he has decided to live despite having a Presidential Residence. A mansion that he uses to house the "homeless" in winter and which he has now offered to the UN to shelter 50 Syrian children.

His government has become popular for approving measures such as the legalisation of marijuana and abortion, the approval of gay marriage and, especially, for giving priority to social policies. Mujica is an atypical politician who understands the political disaffection that exists in many countries and criticizes some European leaders for always giving off a "neocolonialist stench."

Is there another way of doing politics? Apparently so.

The life and the house and Presidential Residence of José Mujica:

"My duty is to live as the majority of my people live"

"My austere presidential life is not an anomaly; what should be seen as anomalous is how the vast majority of the rest of the world's presidents live; They live as only a minority of their people can."

"I live by my philosophy. Live as you think; or else, you will think as and as you live"

"I don't want to use the word austerity anymore because it was prostituted in Europe. The economic austerity of the EU (during the very serious economic crisis of the moment) cannot mean: leaving people without jobs."

"Power should not be about creating a wall that separates you from the rest of the people"

"Here in my little house, I get up at 5 in the morning in my underwear to go to the bathroom, and no one notices nor do I have to bother anyone"

"When same many foreigner journalists come to interview me, I don't know if you come to visit the President of Uruguay, or if you come to visit (like on a photographic safari) an exotic specie"