Ivanka and Trump Organization linked to Suleimani’s front company: New Yorker writer
https://www.rawstory.com/2020/01/ivanka-and-trump-organization-linked-to-suleimanis-front-company-new-yorker-writer/amp/?__twitter_impression=true
Donald Trump’s Worst Deal
https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2017/03/13/donald-trumps-worst-deal
https://www.rawstory.com/2020/01/ivanka-and-trump-organization-linked-to-suleimanis-front-company-new-yorker-writer/amp/?__twitter_impression=true
“One of Soleiman’s chief goals was to acquire WMD missile systems that could threaten Israel and US installations,” Davidson wrote on Twitter Sunday. “He assigned the job to his ally, Mohamed Bagher Ghalibaf. When sanctions began, the IRGC used front companies to handle WMD acquisition.”
He explained that the Darvishi brothers, who served as chief deputies to Ghalibaf, set up one of the largest and most successful fake companies named Azarpassillo. The main partner was Azerbaijan’s Minister of Transport, Ziya Mammadov, who sent his son to the United States to meet with the Trump Organization and other businesses.
“Mammadov sent his son, Anar, to the U.S. in 2010 to develop business ties with U.S. companies,” Davidson tweeted. “He spent lavishly but got no takers. It was well-known that the Mammadovs laundered money for the IRGC and were wildly corrupt. Only one American business worked with them.”
It was President Donald Trump’s company.
“Ivanka worked extremely closely with the Mammadovs on their absurd tower,” Davidson explained. In 2015, the Trump Org acknowledged they knew the Mammadovs were likely laundering money for the IRGC. They kept working with them until after the 2016 election.”
In a 2017 report in the New Yorker, The Trump Organization would not confirm a 2012 visit with Mammadov. Davidson tweeted to the three-year-old piece, saying that the Trump Organization confirmed the New Yorker article.
Donald Trump’s Worst Deal
https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2017/03/13/donald-trumps-worst-deal
The President helped build a hotel in Azerbaijan that appears to be a corrupt operation engineered by oligarchs tied to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard.
At a moment when Iran was struggling to find ways to send money outside the country, Keyumars Darvishi joined Azarpassillo and began making one deal after another in Azerbaijan.
While Azarpassillo was making deals with the Transportation Ministry, the Mammadovs were investing heavily in a series of large construction projects. Money launderers love construction projects. They attract legitimate funds from governments and private investors, and they require frequent payouts to legitimate subcontractors: cement factories, lumberyards, glass manufacturers, craftsmen. In the Trump Tower Baku project, money was going in and out of the U.S., the United Kingdom, Turkey, Romania, the United Arab Emirates, and several other countries. With such projects, it can be exceedingly difficult to detect the spread of illicit funds.
If, as Alan Garten told me, the Trump Organization learned in 2015 about “the possibility” that the Mammadovs had ties to the Revolutionary Guard, it is striking that the company did not end the Baku deal until December, 2016. During this period, Garten told me, the Trump Organization never asked its Azerbaijani partners about the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, but it did send several default notices for late payments.
Throughout the Presidential campaign, Trump was in business with someone that his company knew was likely a partner with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard. In a March, 2016, speech before the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, Trump said that his “No. 1 priority is to dismantle the disastrous deal with Iran.” Calling Iran the “biggest sponsor of terrorism around the world,” he promised, “We will work to dismantle that reach—believe me, believe me.” In the speech, Trump lamented that Iran had been allowed to develop new long-range ballistic missiles. According to Iran Watch, an organization that monitors Iran’s military capabilities, much of the technology to make the missiles was provided by Nasr, the company once run by Kamal Darvishi.
The Baku deal appears to be the second time that the Trump Organization has turned a blind eye to U.S. efforts to sanction Iran. In 1998, when Donald Trump purchased the General Motors Building, in Manhattan, he inherited as a tenant Iran’s Bank Melli. The following year, the Treasury Department listed Bank Melli as an institution that was “owned or controlled” by the government of Iran and that was covered by U.S. sanctions. (The department later labelled Bank Melli one of the primary financial institutions through which Iran was funnelling money to finance terrorism and to develop weapons of mass destruction.) The Trump Organization kept Bank Melli as a tenant for four more years before terminating the lease.
The Baku project is hardly the only instance in which the Trump Organization has been associated with a controversial deal. The Trump Taj Mahal casino, which opened in Atlantic City in 1990, was repeatedly fined for violating anti-money-laundering laws, up until its collapse, late last year. According to ProPublica, Trump projects in India, Uruguay, Georgia, Indonesia, and the Philippines have involved government officials or people with close ties to powerful political figures. A few years ago, the Trump Organization abandoned a project in Beijing after its Chinese partner became embroiled in a corruption scandal. In December, the Trump Organization withdrew from a hotel project in Rio de Janeiro after it was revealed to be part of a major bribery investigation. Ricardo Ayres, a Brazilian state legislator, told Bloomberg, “It’s curious that the Trumps didn’t seem to know that their biggest deal in Brazil was bankrolled by shady investors.” But, given the Trump Organization’s track record, it seems reasonable to ask whether one of the things it was selling to foreign partners was a willingness to ignore signs of corruption.