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Eltitoguay

Well-known member
problem being that the state does not get the oil money. or, not enough of it via taxes.
...from U.S.A. to Spain...:
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“Taxes are the price we pay for civilization”:

If the tax is repealed: the IBEX wins, you lose​

October 31, 2024

We are devastated by the horror of the loss of human lives and the material destruction that is being experienced in Valencia by the worst DANA of the century .
The Torre neighborhood of Valencia after the passage of the DANA
The Torre de Valencia neighbourhood after the passage of the DANA


It has affected other provinces such as Albacete or Malaga, but nothing compared to the virulence of Valencia . In these situations you realise the importance of public services. You understand why the Military Emergency Unit (UME) is necessary, which the right ridiculed when it was created, and you do not understand the reasons why the president of the Valencian Generalitat, Carlos Mazón (PP), eliminated the Valencian Emergency Unit . You understand the value of public health, of firefighters, of public workers who are trying to save lives and improve the situation in devastated areas.

Now I am going to clarify one thing because it seems that the right has not yet understood it: public services are paid for with taxes. Yes, as you have heard before, “taxes are the price we pay for civilization.” They are necessary to prevent society from becoming a jungle in which only the strongest survive, in this case, the richest. For this reason, it is necessary for the Government to maintain the special tax on banks and energy companies.

It will be difficult because the PSOE seems to have given up. The socialists have reached an agreement with Junts (Catalan independence right) and the PNV (Basque autonomist/independence right) to make the special tax on banks permanent but at the same time repeal the one that taxed electricity companies .

This pact does not have the support of Sumar, which has registered its own amendments in Congress to try to also include energy companies in the parliamentary process.

It must be made clear that companies such as Repsol, Iberdrola, Endesa, Banco Santander, BBVA or Caixabank have been making high profits since the approval of the special tax without this new tax figure causing a loss to their accounts.

But for several weeks now, the directors of energy companies and banks have begun a campaign of discredit, threats and pressure against the coalition government in an attempt to overturn the tax. If they succeed, Spain would take the opposite path to that proposed by international organisations. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) supports “structural tax reforms” that raise taxes on the richest and eliminate subsidies to companies . On the other hand, the finance ministers and central bank governors who participated in the last G-20 meeting pointed out that a more progressive tax system “is one of the key tools to reduce inequalities [...], reinforce the sustainability of public accounts and promote sustainable, balanced and inclusive growth”.

However, Spain seems to be going in the opposite direction.
The First Vice President and Minister of Finance, María Jesús Montero, has already announced that the special tax was in the air . Both the PNV and Junts have aligned themselves with Repsol's interests to stop the tax imposition.

Furthermore, it should not be forgotten that the European Commission took Spain to the Court of Justice of the EU this October for not having notified the transposition of the directive to impose a minimum rate of 15% on corporate tax for large multinationals. The Government approved this measure in June , after having received a warning from Brussels, and the project is in parliamentary procedure. Be careful, the same thing could happen as with the tax on banks and energy companies and a completely watered-down approach could come out.

The parliamentary weakness of the Government is causing the nationalist right to dictate the fiscal policy of the central Executive. If they manage to overturn the tax, the U wins, but you lose. If the tax is repealed, these multinationals win and public services lose.

Entrepreneurs :​

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Billionaire Juan Abelló, in June 2019 during the San Isidro bullfighting fair


It is not just a question of companies, the richest people are constantly looking for ways to pay less and less tax. SICAVs used to be the preferred investment vehicles for wealthy citizens, but the higher demands to be eligible for the low taxation of a tool for large fortunes that the coalition government implemented led to a reduction to a minimum of this business and the exit of two out of three clients . However, money never sleeps and is constantly looking for outlets. If SICAVs are no longer useful, another figure is created: these are the “free investment companies” (SIL). These are vehicles that allow investment in shares, public debt, real estate or even works of art, but they have the advantage of being taxed at 1% in the Corporate Tax. They require a minimum investment of 100,000 euros (reserved for professional investors) and at least 25 participants. A privilege only for the rich.
Here we explain how Spanish billionaires are abandoning SICAVs and creating 'SILs' to pay 1% in taxes .

The data :​

117 billion euros
Foreign investors (funds, banks, insurers and retailers) have been buying Spanish public debt since the end of 2022. The interest of foreign capital in our debt overthrows the mantra of legal uncertainty that is constantly exploited by a section of the business community and the neoliberal right.
Spain's economic situation is solid , and is popular abroad, in a context that was unthinkable a decade ago: Spain finances itself more cheaply than France . It is not just debt that is popular; in fact, the Financial Times newspaper highlighted in an article this week that Spain has become the sixth largest destination in the world for foreign direct investment - third in Europe - in sectors such as renewable energy, the automotive industry, real estate and electronic components. Here we explain how foreign investors are devouring Spain's debt .

In this way, while companies do not want to pay the taxes they owe when they have record profits or multimillionaires find ways to pay only 1%, the average Spaniard tries to save so as not to face eviction or ruin again. The household savings rate in Spain increased in the first half of this year to almost 14% of their gross disposable income. It is the highest level since the record of the first part of 2021 and a behavior that surprises economists when the moderation of inflation is consolidated and there is a historic creation of jobs: a new record with 21.8 million workers in the third quarter of 2024. What is the reason for this saving? A trauma, yes, a generational trauma. Raymond Torres, director of economic situation at Funcas: “It is the trauma of the financial crisis, which we know that in other countries such as Japan left a mark on an entire generation. In the aftermath of the financial crisis, both households and businesses are tending to behave in a particularly cautious manner in an uncertain environment.
Here we explain how the trauma of the financial crisis is leading household savings to exceed historic levels .

The graphs :​

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Saving is necessary to afford to buy a home, an impossible task for Spanish citizens and those across Europe. Housing prices have risen by 58% in the EU since 2014, but they have also risen far above the growth of wages in the vast majority of countries. This is how Europe is drowning in housing prices .
Are you thinking about buying a flat? We give you some tips on how to choose a neighbourhood. Here we present the map of income inequality in Spain . You can explore the new data on average income for each street (by census section in 2022) after the pandemic and the inflation crisis. A map that draws new internal borders, drawing gaps between the countryside and the city, the north and the south and the rich neighbourhoods versus the poorest ones.

To solve the problem of high rental prices, the central government designed the stressed areas where prices should be limited. The autonomous communities of the Popular Party have refused to implement them even though both the landlord and the tenant benefit.
In fact, fiscally, the landlord wins. Here we explain how the tax benefits of the stressed areas compensate landlords more than tenants with the rent reductions

Meanwhile, despite the fact that the situation can be desperate for many families, the abuses are repeated. Consumer Affairs is investigating several agencies for abusive and illegal clauses more than a year and a half after the law came into force that prohibits charging fees to tenants. In this case, we have caught an employee of the RedPiso agency red-handed and with a recording in which she was requesting the agency's commission. Here you can see the trick that real estate agencies use to continue charging fees for rent .

Every time he speaks the bread rises :​

"The sector has to do some serious reflection and try to explain to society that we are useful."
José Ignacio Goirigolzarri — President of CaixaBank
With these words, José Ignacio Goirigolzarri tried to explain the scandal that has hit the president of BBVA, Francisco González, for hiring Commissioner Villarejo to do work to prevent a takeover bid by Sacyr. It was 2019, when Goirigolzarri was president of a nationalized Bankia after a financial crisis that swept away a good part of the entities in our country and economically suffocated the citizens. This week, the departure of a banking executive who has held the highest positions at BBVA, Bankia and Caixabank has been confirmed: Goirigolzarri will leave the presidency of the Catalan bank as of January 1, 2025. Farewell to a banking legend. Goirigolzarri, a survivor who left Francisco González's BBVA and piloted the rescue of Bankia .

Public good :​

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Information helps to make decisions.
No one doubts the power of news to change public opinion or to twist the arm of politicians when it comes to legislating. Companies know it, the powers that be know it, politicians know it. Since the emergence of the Internet, journalism has had to face digital intermediaries, at most corporate power, in order to have access to citizens. The platforms have changed but the dependence remains the same because we are talking about traffic, which translates into advertising revenue. Spanish media have gone from depending on Facebook to Google Discover. The search engine's algorithm is opaque but above all it generates large flows of traffic towards trick content , worthless information or redundant notes from supermarkets such as Mercadona. Just as it gives, it takes away . Distributors of disinformation. Here is a report by Carlos del Castillo on 'algorithm journalism' and how misleading headlines and supermarket notes succeed.

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Rodrigo Ponce de Leon

We like competition :In this section we show you articles from other media that we found interesting:

 
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Eltitoguay

Well-known member
...A bit of anarchism...:

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Review of "The transition in red and black, CNT (1973-1980)" by Reyes Casado Gil :​

The rebirth of Spanish anarcho-syndicalism in the twilight of the dictatorship :​

By Jesus Aller | 05/26/2020 | Spain

Published by the Salvador Seguí Foundation in 2018, this book contains the essential aspects of the doctoral thesis defended by its author in 2016 at the UNED and comes with a prologue by the historian Antonio Rivera. The aim of the work is to bring us closer to the rebirth of libertarian ideology in Spain after the fierce repression of the […]
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Published by the Salvador Seguí Foundation in 2018, this book contains the essential aspects of the doctoral thesis defended by its author in 2016 at the UNED and comes with a prologue by the historian Antonio Rivera. The aim of the work is to bring us closer to the rebirth of libertarian ideology in Spain after the fierce repression of Francoism, describing the various forms that characterize its return in the final decades of the dictatorship, the effort deployed to channel the fight against it along paths of authentic workers' democracy and the conjunction of factors that frustrated the attempt and led to a leopard-like transition that left intact the economic springs of capitalist exploitation in the country.

Prehistory :
Reyes Casado identifies the 1950s as the time when the dictatorship managed to dismantle the CNT in Spanish territory, reducing it to atomized nuclei without influence, silencing all propaganda of libertarian ideology in society.
However, as detailed in the first chapter of the book, in the years immediately following there will be a powerful rebirth of ideas that had been almost exterminated, and curiously this will occur hand in hand with the countercultural and underground practices that reach Spain at that time and dazzle above all a youth frustrated by the dullness of National Catholicism.

The book describes how the echoes of the beat generation and the hippie movement , naively anti-capitalist and libertarian, spread throughout Spain in the 1960s, although they provided little political impetus capable of feeding a genuinely revolutionary dynamic. Seville, Barcelona and Madrid were the backbones of the ideas that arrived (curiously in Seville through the American bases). In relation to this, the 1960s also saw the rebirth of small anarchist groups within the Spanish university, which participated in the mobilizations against the dictatorship that took place there.

In the world of work, while the Comisiones Obreras union, which operates within the orbit of the PCE, gains great importance, other groups that call themselves “autonomous” and adopt the strategies of council communism begin to develop.

Among them, the CRAS (Revolutionary Communes of Socialist Action) stands out, which was founded in Gijón in 1969 and lasted until 1974. In Barcelona, the GOA (Autonomous Workers Groups) operated between 1971 and 1973, and the MIL (Iberian Liberation Movement) was established in 1970 and began an expropriation activity in 1972 that would cost the lives of two of its militants: Oriol Solé and Salvador Puig Antich.
All these groups, somewhere between council Marxism and anarchism, carried out intense training, propaganda and editorial work, and a good part of their militants ended up joining the reborn CNT.

Return of the CNT (1976) :
In the process of reorganizing the CNT within the Spanish territory, the aforementioned tendencies will converge with the survivors of the old libertarian tradition, disjointed and exhausted, but not extinct, and with the young people who, through reading and testimonies, are seduced by the Idea. All these groups benefit from the work of publishing houses such as Ruedo Ibérico (created in 1961) or Zyx (in 1963), and the newspaper Frente Libertario (1970-1977), published in France, but distributed clandestinely in Spain. The progressive agglutination of libertarian groups to form a revolutionary union with a federal structure was encouraged by Félix Carrasquer (1905-1993) and the publication of thirteen issues of the magazine Solidaridad between 1971 and 1976.

1973 marked the beginning of a process of reorganisation of the CNT in which the convergence of all forces and the mutual recognition between the organisation abroad and what was brewing at home finally allowed a series of assemblies throughout Spain, beginning in the final months of 1975 and throughout 1976, to be able to reconstitute the federal and democratic structure of the CNT. Only in the case of Asturias, it must be said that no constitutive meeting was necessary, since the Regional of Asturias, León and Palencia, with its activity greatly reduced and reduced to Gijón, never ceased to exist during Franco's regime. At the National Plenums of Regionals held in Madrid in February, July and September 1976, the confederation, which had some three thousand members throughout the country, got going and set out its proposals for the decisive moment.

In this first phase, some tendencies were already being detected that would prove very negative for the expansion of the union. The excessive emphasis on an anarchist ideological purism put off many workers who were simply looking for a union that would defend them. On the other hand, the generational gap between the old militants and the young converts, and the presence of some sectors of the exile who refused to integrate into the new structure, were also dark clouds that threatened the future.

The boom of 1977 :
The enthusiasm of the militants was able, with their modest means, to bring to the collective memory the imprint of Spanish anarcho-syndicalism, while a multitude of newspapers linked to the regional groups of the CNT emerged, as well as magazines with a clearly libertarian orientation ( Ajoblanco , Bicicleta ), which achieved wide circulation. 1977 was the year of the great rallies, such as the one in San Sebastián de los Reyes (Madrid) on March 27, which managed to attract 40,000 people. Fifteen days later, the government of Adolfo Suárez recognized the right to union association and soon the CNT was legalized (it declared 40,000 members), although the celebrations of May 1st were prohibited and gave rise to races and arrests.

In May and July there are other mass rallies in Valencia (40,000 attendees) and Montjuic (300,000) and the International Libertarian Days in Barcelona in July are a huge party that brings together Jean Paul Sartre, George Moustaki, Joan Baez and Noam Chomsky, although the union component is nowhere to be seen and many people finally lament the metamorphosis of the CNT into a “subversive circus” lacking a revolutionary strategy. However, in October, the petrol station strike, a sector in which the union was the majority, ends in a resounding success that marks the climax of the influence of the libertarians in Catalan society during the Transition.

New black storms (1978-1980) :
In the spring of 1978, the CNT reached a peak of membership of around a quarter of a million people, but this number was reduced by half in just over a year. The decline was due above all to the fact that the union, which had become the reference point for the left that opposed the policy of concertation promoted by the government and the majority unions, was the enemy to be defeated by a power that would stop at nothing to ruin its image; thus, today we know, for example, that the attack against the Scala concert hall in Barcelona in January 1978 was orchestrated by a police infiltrator. This and other actions were extremely effective in discrediting the confederation, which, harassed by the mass media and with deep internal divisions, then decided to call its 5th congress.

On December 8, 1979, 772 delegates met in Madrid on behalf of 324 unions. Reyes Casado describes in detail the development of the congress, which was marked by a marathon program and the rapid emergence of suspicions and disagreements that created a tense atmosphere on many occasions. On December 15, representatives of 53 unions that had abandoned the sessions signed a challenge to the congress, blaming the split on sectors linked to the FAI and the Toulouse exile who considered that they had behaved authoritarian.
After successive meetings and conferences, the number of challenging unions was already 119 in January 1980, and throughout that year there were painful clashes between the two sides.

Finally, the dissidents decided to call a congress in Valencia, and at it, without renouncing the acronym or the history of the CNT, they opted for the union to participate in union elections and company committees. Thus, the existence of two organizations and two projects that proclaim themselves anarcho-syndicalist was consummated, that of the CNT-AIT and that of the CNT-CV, which by legal imperative in 1989 had to renounce that name and was renamed CGT.

The situation was tragic in cities like Gijón, where the old anarchist militancy was split into two, with half of the membership in each group. This painful split is one of the keys that explain the scant influence of libertarian unions in today's Spain. To this must be added the maneuvers of a power that slowed down the transfer of union assets and, with set-ups and propaganda, created a terrorist halo around them.

The challenges of anarchist syndicalism :
In an epilogue, Reyes Casado summarises the subsequent trajectory of the two confederations. The CNT-AIT has maintained its reluctance to participate in elections and company committees. Some of its unions, supporters of this strategy, attended the so-called Unification Congress convened by the CGT in 1984 and ended up joining it. In support of the union struggle, the two groups have since turned to newspapers and books, which are always the hallmark of the anarchist world, and have also suffered splits with the birth of new confederations that consider themselves libertarian. All of this is recorded in the work.

"The Transition in red and black" unfolds the details of a story that explains the existence at this time in Spain of two large unions with different methods, but which coincide in considering themselves libertarian. The annals of anarchism are full of discussions about opposing strategies, as is inevitable against the complex and mutant monster that is capitalism, and this is not the first time that the libertarian field has been divided. History is the only teacher, and it teaches us every day. With correct vision and correct judgment, the difficult can become clearer, and in the end the energies always unite against the real enemy.

Author's blog: http://www.jesusaller.com/
 
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Eltitoguay

Well-known member
ANARCHISTS AND PUBLIC HEALTH :

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Would an anarchist society provide healthcare and other public services?​


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HEALTH OR BARBARISM :

The fight for a universal and community-based health system​


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Anarchy and its overlooked role in health and healthcare (2023)


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Spanish anarchism and the healthcare debate in Spain:​

 

Eltitoguay

Well-known member
This is the story of an unprecedented and (unrepeatable?) event: how four anarchist figures came to form part of the Spanish executive:

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The four anarchist ministers of the Government of the Second Spanish Republic :​

Federica Montseny, Juan García Oliver, Joan Peiró and Juan López were those who represented in Largo Caballero's Government the two main sectors that had fought for supremacy in anarcho-syndicalism during the republican years: the trade unionists and the FAI.

By Luna Izquierdo | 11/15/2021 | Spain

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Anarchist Federica Montseny was Minister of Health in the Largo Caballero Government

On July 19, 1936, the politician José Giral had accepted Manuel Azaña's commission to preside over a government with only left-wing republicans, but as he did not represent this new social and political mobilization open with the military rebellion, he had to resign and left his post to Francisco Largo Caballero. On September 4, 1936, the first and only government presided over by a labor leader was formed and it was the first time that there were communist ministers in a Western European country.

On November 4, 1936, four CNT leaders joined the new government of the Republic at war, headed by Largo Caballero, a momentous and unrepeatable event because the anarchists had never trusted the powers of government action. Before that moment, Largo Caballero had offered the CNT a ministry without portfolio, a trifle compared to what the anarcho-syndicalist organization considered its true strength.

Radical anarchists and moderate trade unionists were now together to try not to leave political and armed power in the hands of the remaining political organisations when it became clear that what was happening in Spain was a war.

But the transfer of power from one republican government to another headed by the old acquaintance, and former "enemy", leader of the rival trade union movement, put the CNT's leadership committees on alert. The arrival of Largo Caballero to the government, accompanied by socialists and communists, changed the way things were done with respect to the government formed by republicans.

The anarcho-syndicalists of Catalonia took the initiative where the events of July 1936 had given the CNT the most influence. The strong man of the moment, Mariano Rodríguez Vázquez, “Marianet”, also a member of the FAI, launched a discourse of order and discipline, which would put an end to the scattered and uncoordinated impulses. Jacinto Toryho was in charge of developing propaganda to prepare the environment for the incorporation of the anarcho-syndicalist leaders into positions of responsibility and government.

Six weeks later, on 15 September, a National Plenary of Regionals was held in Madrid, where the immediate course that the CNT should follow in the face of the formation of Largo Caballero's government was discussed. After fierce clashes between the Valencian delegation, which supported the entry into the government, and the Catalan one, which was opposed to it, a commission was formed that ended up ruling in favour of the Catalan anarcho-syndicalists. It proposed the “constitution of a National Defence Council, composed for the moment of all political sectors in the fight against fascism”, with five representatives of the CNT, five of the UGT and four republicans and presided over by Largo Caballero.

However, since the existing government was already responsible for carrying out these functions, the National Defense Council did not have the expected reception. Moreover, the differences were obvious: the CNT project excluded the communists, and basically converted the necessary cooperation within a heterogeneous anti-fascist movement into a workers' alliance supported by republicans. The first was already impossible in September 1936; the second was what the CNT wrongly believed it had achieved when it finally entered the government on November 4.

This was the state of affairs when Horacio Martínez Prieto appeared on the scene, taking over the post of secretary of the National Committee once again, although it is not known exactly who appointed him, when he was able to travel to Madrid in September after the military coup surprised him in the Basque Country. On 30 September he attacked the project of a National Defence Council and defended the pure and simple participation of the government, but the delegation from Catalonia continued to resist and the agreement was delayed.

The CNT had four ministers representing the trade unionists and the FAI.

Mariano R. Vázquez and the Catalan leaders wanted to obtain more advantages and benefits than Largo Caballero was willing to concede. In the last days of October, there was a “haggling” between Largo Caballero and Horacio Martínez Prieto to determine the exact number of ministers that the CNT would have. In the end there were four: Federica Montseny, Juan García Oliver, Joan Peiró and Juan López, who represented the two main sectors that had fought for supremacy in anarcho-syndicalism during the republican years: the syndicalists and the FAI.

Joan Peiró and Juan López, ministers of Industry and Commerce
, remained as undisputed figures of those opposition unions that, after being expelled from the CNT in 1933, had returned to the fold shortly before the military uprising.
The new Minister of Justice, Juan García Oliver, was the symbol of the “man of action”, of “revolutionary gymnastics”, of the insurrectional strategy against the Republic, which had risen like foam since the revolutionary days of July in Barcelona.

While the Minister of Health, Federica Montseny, had a reputation for being a family member, daughter of Federico Urales and Soledad Gustavo, and for her pen, which she had sharpened during the Republic to attack, from the most intransigent anarchism, all the reformist traitors.

The CNT accepted four ministries that had little say in the major issues affecting the State, the revolution and the war. The libertarians had to tolerate an agrarian policy that they did not share and, in the implementation of his industrial policy, Joan Peiró found serious obstacles in the autonomous governments of Catalonia and the Basque Country, areas where the main industries were located.

Then came the "failure." The libertarians, who, as a result of the collapse of republican power, participated in political activities through the many committees they themselves created, proved incapable of translating all this into a global policy when the time came, an inability that the other political forces desired.

CNT in government: 11/1936- 05/1937

Few traces remain of the CNT's time in government. They entered in November 1936 and left six months later, in May 1937. However, this extraordinary turn was positive because the defence of responsibility and discipline prevented more bloodshed than there had been and helped mitigate the resistance that the other available strategy, the maximalist one of radical confrontation with the republican institutions, had fuelled.

Also forgotten were aspects such as the fact that García Oliver, an “anarchist of action”, consolidated the popular courts or created labour camps, instead of shooting “fascist prisoners” in the back of the head; that a lifelong trade unionist like Joan Peiró was in charge of regulating the interventions and seizures of war industries; or that Federica Montseny rose to the top of political power, a space traditionally denied to women. In addition, from the ministry she undertook a health policy of preventive medicine, control of venereal diseases and eugenic reform of abortion, which, despite remaining a mere initiative, advanced some debates still present in today's society.

In May 1937, the tragic events in Barcelona accelerated the loss of political and armed power of the anarcho-syndicalists. Long before they lost the war, the revolution had already ceased to be for them the force that had swept away the old order in 1936. Since the Civil War soon became international and the fighting forces became increasingly dependent on foreign aid, the CNT ended up isolated and without any possibility of competing on this terrain with the Communist Party.

From the spring of 1938, the libertarian movement entered into a phase of liquidation and by 1 April 1939 everything was over.
After Franco's army conquered all the territory loyal to the Republic, social order was reestablished as quickly as it had been overthrown. Prisons, executions and a long exile led anarcho-syndicalism into a tunnel from which it would never emerge.

Sources: History and Life and La Vanguardia
Source: https://contrainformacion.es/las-cu...uismo-en-el-gobierno-de-la-segunda-republica/
 
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Eltitoguay

Well-known member
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Rosa Luxemburg was a prominent Marxist pacifist and a staunch opponent of World War I.​


Rosa Luxemburg was a prominent Marxist pacifist and a staunch opponent of World War I.

“For a world where we are socially equal, humanly different and totally free.”
“He who does not move does not feel the chains.”

Rosa Luxemburg

Rosa Luxemburg
was born on 5 March 1871 in Zamość, Poland, a city then occupied by the Russian Empire. She was an activist for the rights of equality and equity, mainly for women, and a fighter for the defence of the dignity and human rights of the population. She was a revolutionary who played a key role in the founding of the Polish Social Democratic Party and the Spartacist League and who campaigned for internationalism and against the First World War.

Rosa Luxemburg was the youngest of five children born to a lower-middle-class Jewish family in Russian Poland. She became involved in underground activities while still in secondary school. Like many of her radical contemporaries in the Russian Empire who faced imprisonment, she emigrated to Zurich in 1889. There she studied law and political economy and received her doctorate in 1898. In Zurich she became involved in the international socialist movement and met several leading representatives of the Russian social democratic movement, with whom, however, she soon began to disagree. [1]

The national question became one of Luxemburg's main themes. For her, nationalism and national independence were regressive concessions to the class enemy, the bourgeoisie. She underestimated nationalist aspirations and stressed socialist internationalism. This became one of her main points of disagreement with Vladimir Lenin and his theory of national self-determination.
In 1898, after marrying Gustav Lübeck in order to obtain German nationality, she settled in Berlin to work with the largest and most powerful constituent party of the Second International, the Social Democratic Party of Germany.

Almost immediately, she was drawn into the reformist polemic that was dividing the party. In 1898, the German reformist Eduard Bernstein argued that Marxist theory was outdated and that socialism in highly industrialized nations could best be achieved through a gradual approach, using trade union activity and parliamentary politics.

Luxemburg categorically denied this position in one of her major works, Reform or Revolution (1899), defending the necessity of revolution and arguing that parliament was nothing more than a bourgeois farce.
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Karl Kautsky, the leading theorist of the Second International, agreed with her, and reformism was rejected by socialist organisations both in Germany and abroad, although it continued to advance, especially in the workers' movement.

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Rosa Luxemburg (centre) among leaders at the International Socialist Congress, Amsterdam 1904

The Russian Revolution of 1905 was the central experience in Luxemburg's life.
Until then she had believed that Germany was the country in which the world revolution was most likely to originate. She went to Warsaw, took part in the struggle, and was imprisoned. From these experiences arose her theory of mass revolutionary action, which placed this collective action as the most important tool of the proletariat, both Western and Russian, in achieving socialist victory.
Unlike Lenin, she downplayed the need for a closed party structure, believing that organization would emerge naturally from the struggle, for which she was repeatedly criticized by orthodox communist parties. [2]

Released from prison in Warsaw, she taught at the Social Democratic Party school in Berlin (1907–14), where she wrote The Accumulation of Capital (1913). In this analysis, she described imperialism as the result of the expansion of a dynamic capitalism into the underdeveloped areas of the world.
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Luxemburg (left) among the SPD school attendees in 1907.
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It was also during this time that she began to agitate for mass action and broke completely with the established Social Democratic Party leadership of August Bebel and Kautsky, who disagreed with her relentless drive toward radicalizing the working class.
The Social Democratic Party supported the German government at the outbreak of World War I, but Luxemburg immediately went over to the opposition.
In alliance with Karl Liebknecht and other like-minded radicals, she formed the Spartacist League, dedicated to ending the war through revolution and the establishment of a proletarian government. However, the actual influence of her organization during the war was very limited.

Released from prison by the German revolution in November 1918, Luxemburg and Liebknecht immediately began agitating to push the new order to the left. They exerted considerable influence on public opinion and were a contributing factor to several armed clashes in Berlin.
Like the Bolsheviks, Luxemburg and Liebknecht demanded political power for workers' and soldiers' soviets, but were thwarted by the conservative socialist old guard and the army.
In late December 1918, they became founders of the German Communist Party, but Luxemburg attempted to limit Bolshevik influence in this new organization. Luxemburg was always a supporter of democracy as opposed to Lenin's democratic centralism, but she was never able to exert a decisive influence on the new party.

Because of their role in fomenting a communist uprising known as the Spartacus Revolt, she and Liebknecht were arrested and murdered in Berlin on 15 January 1919 by members of the Freikorps, a loose amalgamation of conservative paramilitary groups.
[3]
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Barricade during the Spartacist uprising .

Rosa Luxemburg's outstanding theoretical and practical work, both through her written works and her activism, has inspired several struggles in defence of human dignity and fundamental rights, as well as consolidating her as one of the most important figures of Marxist and revolutionary thought of the 20th century.
Likewise, her eminent role in political and academic spaces, which at the time were completely dominated by men, make her a leading figure in the fight for equal rights and opportunities for women.

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[1] https://www.rosalux.de/en/foundatio...m-1/rosa-luxemburg/the-life-of-rosa-luxemburg
[2] https://www .jacobinmag.com/2021/09/rosa-luxemburg-reform-revolution-feminism-bernstein-lenin
[3] https://www.britannica.com/biography/Rosa-Luxemburg

 
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Eltitoguay

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Rosa Luxemburg's criticism of the development of the Russian Revolution and the Bolsheviks:
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Criticism of the October Revolution :​

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A monument to the Spartacist leaders Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, commissioned by Eduard Fuchs , leader of the Communist Party of Germany designed by Ludwig Mies van der Rohe , built by Wilhelm Pieck and inaugurated on 13 June 1926, later destroyed by the Nazis .

In an article published just before the October Revolution , Rosa Luxemburg characterized the Russian Revolution of February 1917 as a proletarian revolution, claiming that the liberal bourgeoisie had been driven into motion by the proletariat's show of strength. The task of the Russian proletariat was then to end the imperialist war ( World War I ) in addition to fighting the imperialist bourgeoisie. The imperialist world war ripened Russia for socialist revolution. Thus, "the German proletariat... has also been faced with a question of honour, indeed a fateful one."
For Rosa Luxemburg, Lenin and Trotsky betrayed socialism by dismantling the Russian democratic system :

[T]he remedy which Lenin and Trotsky found, the elimination of democracy as such, is worse than the disease it is supposed to cure; for it cuts off the only living source from which the corrective to all the innate evils of social institutions can arise. That source is the active, unfettered, energetic political life of the broadest popular masses. [ 15 ]
The Russian Revolution 4. The Constituent Assembly

Her sharp criticism of the October Revolution and the Bolsheviks diminished as she explained the errors of the revolution and the Bolsheviks as "a complete failure of the international proletariat" ( On the Russian Revolution ). For all her critical charge, she made it clear that the Bolsheviks had at least dared to make the revolution:
The historical merit of Bolshevism lies in this eruption of social division within bourgeois society, in the deepening of internationalism and the heightening of class antagonism, and in this feat - as always in great historical connections - individual errors and mistakes disappear without a trace.
Fragments on the War, the National Question and the Revolution.
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German student movement in 1968.

After the October Revolution, it became a "historical responsibility" of the German workers to make a revolution themselves, and thus to end the war ( Historical Responsibility ). When the revolution broke out in Germany in November 1918, Rosa Luxemburg immediately began agitating for a social revolution:
The abolition of the law of capital, the establishment of a socialist social order - this, and nothing else, is the historic theme of the present revolution. It is a formidable undertaking, which cannot be accomplished in the twinkling of an eye merely by decrees from above. It can only be carried out through the conscious action of the working masses in town and country, only by the highest intellectual maturity and unfading idealism can it be safely steered through all storms to a safe harbour.
The beginning

The social revolution demands that power be placed in the hands of the masses, in the hands of the workers' and soldiers' councils. This is the programme of the revolution. There is, however, a great distance between a soldier - from a "Guard of Reaction" - and a revolutionary proletarian.


Critical Solidarity with the October Revolution of 1917 :​

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A scene from the 2016 demonstration in Berlin, held every year in January to honour murdered communists Liebknecht and Luxemburg.

After the successful October revolution in Russia, Rosa Luxemburg wrote a manuscript on the Russian Revolution in the autumn of 1918 in her prison cell in Breslau. [ 71 ] In it, she highlighted the driving force of the Russian proletariat in the preceding February Revolution of 1917.

Rosa Luxemburg welcomed Lenin's attempt at revolution after he had the Constituent Assembly dissolved by force. However, she criticized the Bolsheviks for thereby overriding any parliamentary control of their policies. She recognized that Lenin was beginning to suppress not only other parties, but also democracy within his own party. This threatened the absolutely necessary participation and leadership of the workers in the construction of socialism:
"Freedom only for the supporters of the government, only for members of a party - however numerous they may be - is no freedom. Freedom is always freedom for those who think differently . Not because of the fanaticism of 'justice', but because everything that is invigorating, [ 72 ] healing and purifying about political freedom depends on this essence and fails to have its effect when 'freedom' becomes a privilege." [ 73 ]

When Rosa Luxemburg spoke of the freedom of dissidents, she did not think of “class enemies” or of a liberal democracy, but of a socialist pluralism. [ 74 ]

In a sharp debate with the dictatorship theory of Lenin and Trotsky, she wrote that they (like Kautsky) made the fundamental mistake of opposing dictatorship to democracy. In fact, these are two opposite poles that are equally far removed from real socialist politics:
"The proletariat, when it seizes power, can never […] renounce social revolution and devote itself only to democracy without betraying itself and the revolution. It should and must immediately take up socialist measures in the most energetic, most unyielding, most ruthless manner, in other words, exercise dictatorship; but dictatorship of the CLASS, not of a party or clique, dictatorship of the class, i.e. in the broadest public, with the most active, uninhibited participation of the masses, in unrestricted democracy." [ 75 ]

She further defines the Marxist concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat:
“It is the historical task of the proletariat, when it comes to power, to create socialist democracy in place of bourgeois democracy, not to abolish all democracy. […] Socialist democracy begins at the same time as the dismantling of class rule and the construction of socialism. It begins at the moment the socialist party seizes power. It is nothing other than the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Yes, dictatorship! But this dictatorship consists in the way democracy is used, not in its abolition, in energetic, determined interventions in the well-earned rights and economic conditions of bourgeois society, without which the socialist revolution cannot be achieved. But this dictatorship must be the work of the class, and not of a small, leading minority in the name of the class, i.e. it must emerge at every step from the active participation of the masses, be under their direct influence, be under the control of the entire public, emerge from the growing political education of the masses.” [ 76 ]

Despite all the necessary and justified criticism, Lenin's merit remains that he dared to launch the revolution. In doing so, he opened up the world-historical conflict between labour and capital and made people aware of it internationally. [ 77 ] In doing so, she also justified his violent measures:
“Socialism […] requires […] a series of violent measures – against property […] Anyone who opposes the assault vehicle of the socialist revolution will be left lying on the ground with shattered limbs.”

 
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Eltitoguay

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The Facts | Don Quixote and Social Justice :​

Wednesday, April 13, 2022

Regardless of the fact that Don Quixote was the greatest novel character who dedicated his life to remedying the problems of the underprivileged, Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra firmly maintains the principle that literature is called to be a principal instrument in the everlasting search for social justice.
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"Let's change the world, Little Prince, it's not madness or utopia, but justice"


In this respect, the way in which the great Spanish writer expressly underlines the commitment that writers - and of course journalists - have with these causes is particularly striking. This commitment consists precisely in guiding public opinion and even the ruling class, with respect to their obligation to work invariably for the balance of society.
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On this subject, we can recall - for the second time - one of our recent columns, entitled "Millions of Happy Mexicans", in which we partially agreed with the widely spread news versions, which try to impose the version that in our country everything is fine and there is nothing to change. But then we referred in this same field to the idea that the truth should never be distorted and should prevail over all things.
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“Falsehood has wings and flies, and the truth keeps on creeping, so that when people realize the deceit it is already too late”

We therefore include concepts from Miguel de Cervantes expressed in Don Quixote, where he maintains that written history must be an exact reflection of what happens. And that when writing, reason must prevail over particular appetites and interests. We communicators have the commitment to clearly explain everything related to the needs of the majority.

In the same way, in a later column, we insisted on the subject with the theme “A Wonderful World”, in which we said that modern medicine has become a miracle through which it is possible to save the lives of millions of human beings. And that this opens the doors to a wonderful world. Although we made the observation that for there to be justice, the benefit of medicines must be extended to the marginalized classes that suffer from the shortage of medicines in public health institutions, as well as the insufficient coverage of these services and the increase in the cost of private medicine.

And this is where another of the principles expressed by Cervantes Saavedra fits like a glove, when through the Knight of the Sad Countenance, he extols the function of the material struggle as that carried out by the righter of wrongs; but at the same time he emphasizes the importance of those who defend these noble causes with words, pointing out that “human letters have as their goal to put distributive justice in its place and give to each one what is his; to understand and make sure that good laws are kept.”

Or I know that the struggle to keep written history intact is not something that has been going on for a while, but rather something that has practically always been going on.

There is Cervantes as a witness.

Everything tells us that, even if it is done discreetly and to the extent possible, with all the restraint within reach, the truth must continue to be the norm for the smooth running of the world and the good health of society.

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Today is the most beautiful day of our lives, dear Sancho;​

the greatest obstacles, our own indecisions;​

our strongest enemy, the fear of the powerful and of ourselves;​

the easiest thing, to make mistakes;​

the most destructive, lies and selfishness;​

the worst defeat, discouragement;​

the most dangerous defects, pride and resentment;​

the most pleasant sensations, a good conscience, the effort to be better without being perfect and, above all, the willingness to do good and fight injustice wherever it may be.

Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, in "The ingenious gentleman Don Quixote of La Mancha (1605-1615)



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Don Quixote and his world.

Real and unreal vision of the world in Quixote and Sancho :​

"I fight three giants..."

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«I fight against three giants, dear Sancho. These are: FEAR, which has deep roots and takes hold of beings and restrains them so that they do not go beyond the wall of what is socially permitted or accepted; the other is INJUSTICE, which underlies the world disguised as general justice, but which is a justice established by a few to defend petty and selfish interests; and the other is IGNORANCE, which is also dressed or disguised as knowledge and which deceives beings into believing they know when they do not really know and into believing they are right when they are not. This ignorance, disguised as knowledge, does much harm, and prevents beings from going further along the line of truly knowing and knowing themselves.
Against these three giants I fight, dear Sancho, and it is a good cause worthy of praise."
(Anonymous, attributed to Cervantes)


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"Let's change the world, friend Sancho, it's not Madness or Utopia, but Justice"
 
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Eltitoguay

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Don Quixote of the Left :​

Luis Arroyo; April 20, 2023

On Wednesday, at the Ateneo de Madrid, our Cervantes Prize winner Antonio Gamoneda did not say a word more, nor a word less.
Invited by the Cervantes scholar José Manuel Lucía to talk with the Nicaraguan Sergio Ramírez, also a prize winner, about the author of Don Quixote, the nonagenarian poet, after laboriously arriving on stage, linked together phrases of extraordinary wisdom one after another.

A. Gamoneda wanted to make a political reading of Don Quixote , which naturally entailed a political reading of Cervantes himself. The poet came to ask himself, and the question was rhetorical, if Don Quixote was not left-wing. Because if so, the most famous novel character in history, read in some way even by the illiterate, present in everyday life and language for five centuries, would have rendered an immense and eternal service to the universal cause of equality and freedom . Recalling passages from the book, A. masterfully woven his argument: yes, Don Quixote – and with consequent probability Miguel de Cervantes Saaavedra – was left-wing.

Of course, in order to be able to speak openly, Cervantes uses the fiction, which is the usual device of those who want to protect themselves (taking as a model to surpass, one of the best fictions and social denunciation never seen until the time of Cervantes in Universal Literature: "El lazarillo de Tormes"; and inventing the Novel as a literary genre, in the process).
And not only that.
As the Colombian writer, journalist, historian and politician Germán Arciniegas says, in a beautiful article entitled Don Quixote, a left-wing democrat , “Cervantes finds the ideal formula, making his character a madman. One had to become a madman to say everything".

Don Quixote establishes with Sancho an unlikely relationship between a knight and a squire for the time. They are not just lord and vassal . They are friends who speak to each other without fear and on equal terms. Even when the servant dares to reprimand his boss and the latter vents his contempt for his subordinate, Don Quixote ends up telling the squire never to keep quiet about what he has to say. Because, furthermore, Don Quixote says: “Innumerable are those who, born of low lineage, have risen to the highest papal and imperial dignity… Blood is inherited and virtue is acquired, and virtue is worth by itself what blood is not worth.”

Cervantes hides behind fiction and madness to make a true declaration of principles
: protest, the defence of the helpless, mutual aid, idealism, the protection of outcasts, are all present in the adventures and misadventures of Alonso Quijano. So that when the Holy Brotherhood pursues the knight for considering him a highwayman, the knight tells them: “Come here, vile and low-born people: do you call highwaymen giving freedom to the chained, releasing prisoners, helping the miserable, raising the fallen, helping the needy?”

And in another place, apropos of the most genuine liberty:
Liberty, Sancho, is one of the most precious gifts that heaven has bestowed upon men ; no treasures on earth or hidden by the sea can equal it; for liberty, as well as for honour, one may and should risk one’s life, and, on the contrary, captivity is the greatest evil that can befall men. I say this, Sancho, because you have seen the luxury, the abundance that we have had in this castle that we left; for in the midst of those seasoned banquets and those snow-white drinks, it seemed to me that I was in the straits of hunger, because I did not enjoy it with the freedom that I would have enjoyed if it were mine , for the obligations of the rewards of the benefits and favors received are bonds that do not let the spirit roam freely. Fortunate is he to whom heaven has given a piece of bread without leaving him any obligation to thank anyone but heaven itself!”

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Passionate, brave, rebellious, supportive, idealistic... the most universal of our characters, celebrated in these days of tributes to books and reading, also deserves a political reading , the one proposed by the maestro A. Gamoneda at 92 years of age and the one also claimed by the repressed Sergio Ramírez, a refugee in Spain from the repression of the Daniel Ortega's Nicaraguan regime.

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"Let's change the world, friend Sancho, it's not Madness or Utopia, but Justice"
 
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Eltitoguay

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Daniel Ortega Saavedra, from Sandinista liberator to inflexible dictator :​

Every July 19, Nicaragua celebrates the beginning of the Sandinista Revolution that freed the country from the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza in 1979; when, after having organized insurgent actions against the Somoza regime and having spent years in jail or in exile, Daniel Ortega and other members of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) guerrilla group triumphantly entered Managua .
Nearly 40 years later, President Daniel Ortega, hero of the leftist movement of the 1970s, exercises the same repression that he had fought against in his youth.


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Daniel Ortega's journey :​

Daniel Ortega's journey did not end in heroism, because he continued straight ahead until he turned around and turned back. That commander in the campaign uniform of the eighties corrupted the revolution and Sandinismo until he killed them.
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Carlos Dada ; February 26, 2023

From time to time, historical events materialize that embody utopias with such force that they end up becoming fixed in collective memories, even though the passage of time erodes their protagonists or reveals in them a nature different from that which the narration of the feat attributed to them.

The triumph of the Sandinista Revolution in 1979 became the victory of millions of people around the world, tired of the US power using Central Americans as cannon fodder for its cold war; particularly in a Iberian America that had already suffered the coup d'état against Jacobo Árbenz in 1954 and the one that overthrew Salvador Allende in 1973, both perpetrated with the claws of Uncle Sam.

In 1979, Nicaragua embodied the return-revenge for those coups, our Iberian American Vietnam, inspiration and hope for liberation movements as far away as East Timor, the Sahara and Palestine.
A poor but firm and determined people stood up to the empire.

The romantic image of the Sandinista Revolution aroused such euphoria in the world that even today, forty years later and with Daniel Ortega Saavedra converted into a copy of the dictator Anastasio Somoza, old leftists in Europe and America find it difficult to admit that the commander of that Revolution, who still inspires romantic sighs in them, became a cruel dictator. Their love for that struggle prevents them from seeing this abomination.

Last week, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador took a public stand on the Nicaraguan crisis for the first time, confessing to an existential dilemma: “The case of the Sandinistas is very complicated for us. We all lived through the Sandinista movement in one way or another, and we are very saddened by the division that occurred.” To better explain his comment, he quoted a poem by Efraín Huerta:
"To my / Old / Teachers / Of Marxism / I cannot / Understand: / Some are / In Jail / Others are / In / Power..." 

Half a century ago, Daniel Ortega made the hero's journey: from militant to leader and head of a revolution that claimed its dignity in open defiance of the world's greatest power; and transformed the structures of a poor, unequal and unjust country. That revolution, which had a writer as vice president; a priest as chancellor; a mythical and brilliant guerrilla fighter as Commander 2; a mystical poet ordained priest as minister of culture and builder of utopias in Solentiname; and a people as its protagonist, rapidly mutated into an ouroboros that began to devour itself, driven by the corruption of a group in power headed by Ortega.

The international left did not want to see this “peccata minuta” so as not to discredit the struggle. Instead, it preferred to condemn the poet Octavio Paz, who had already warned of the undemocratic attitude of those commanders. “The Sandinist Revolution was confiscated by an elite of revolutionary leaders,” he accused in his famous speech in Frankfurt; and he warned the defenders of the Nicaraguan regime: “Why do you approve the implementation in Nicaragua of a system that would seem intolerable in your own country?”

The question is especially relevant now, when so many leftists like López Obrador remain caught up in the false dilemma of not attacking Ortega so as not to discredit one of his greatest historical banners. But there is no such thing. Daniel Ortega's journey did not end in heroism, because he continued straight ahead until he turned around and turned back. That commander in a campaign uniform from the eighties corrupted the Revolution and Sandinismo until he killed them. Years ago he became the antipode of his own proclamations and directed his steps towards satrapy.

Daniel Ortega
keeps his wife, Rosario Murillo, as vice president, and all of the couple's children are employed in the government, with the exception of Zoilamérica, Murillo's daughter, who accused Ortega of having sexually abused and raped her and had to go into exile.

Nicaragua remains the poorest country in continental America, while Ortega and his family head the list of the richest in that country. (In the midst of the delirium of a tropical dictatorship, the Ortegas have gone so far as to bring opera companies from Italy to Managua so that one of the commander's sons, with aspirations of being a tenor, could sing in Nicaraguan theatres.)

Sergio Ramírez, the writer who was his vice president, lives today in exile in Spain and stripped of his Nicaraguan nationality by decree of the tyrant;

The same as the mythical Commander 2, Dora María Téllez, recently released from prison and sent straight to a plane that took her to exile.

The poet from Solentiname, Ernesto Cardenal, died persecuted by Ortega, who set up a trial against him.

The revolutionary troops cheered upon their entry into Managua in 1979 laid the foundations for the Armed Forces of present-day Nicaragua, complicit in the dictator's repression and corruption. In recent years, prisons have been filled with political prisoners and hundreds of Nicaraguans have died in the repressive campaigns of Ortega's security forces against protesters. The main international organizations in charge of monitoring human rights (the Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights, the IACHR, OACNUDH, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, etc.) have denounced the serious violations of the Ortega dictatorship.

He has closed all media outlets critical of the government and imprisoned students, peasants, priests, journalists, activists and human rights defenders, opponents and critics.
Daniel Ortega has been in power longer than Somoza.

His latest actions, which include the banishment of more than 200 political prisoners and the withdrawal of nationality and seizure of assets of more than 250 people, only further dig the infamous place that history has reserved for Ortega and his accomplices, which include prominent businessmen willing to sponsor the loss of democracy, justice, freedoms and the lives of Nicaraguans in exchange for obtaining large profits.

There is no room for confusion. Ortega has become what Sandinismo fought against half a century ago. Of all those banners, which included peace, equality, dignity, solidarity and freedom, only the red and black banner with the letters of the FSLN remains, which today flies in all the public offices and in the speeches of the tyrant.

Gustavo Petro, the former Colombian guerrilla who now presides over his country,
understood it better and spoke out with the forcefulness that one would expect from the leaders of other nations such as Mexico or Brazil: “Colombia has registered with revulsion the measures taken arbitrarily by the head of government of the sister and long-suffering Republic of Nicaragua against citizens of his own country whose only crime has been to defend democracy, the right to criticism and universal human rights.”

This is what Iberian Americans like G. Petro and Chilean President Gabriel Boric seem to understand, who also harshly condemned the Nicaraguan government: A revolutionary who massacres his own people and keeps them in misery while turning the country he governs into a family fiefdom and subdues and represses them, is not a revolutionary. And a left that does not condemn this farce and the massive violations of human rights, is not a left.

Sandinismo was a movement of principles and ideas, not of people, whose first objective was to free Nicaragua from a dictatorship. Ortega long ago betrayed those ideas and principles.
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If half a century ago the writer Carlos Fuentes said that Daniel Ortega spoke for Iberian Americans, today he does so only in the name of his dictatorship, his own family and the wealth they have accumulated. The Ortega&Murillos crossed the line of no return a long time ago, because if they let go of power, a tribunal awaits them.

A few days ago, Dora María Téllez, Commander 2, who had just landed to begin the exile imposed on her by her former comrade-in-arms, described to journalist Wilfredo Miranda the moment of her arrest , which marked the beginning of almost two years of captivity: “They came with AKs, bulletproof vests, kicking down doors, in combat position. We were there calmly, waiting for them, with our little dogs. It was all a fantasy: the fantasy of those who are afraid.”
Of those who are afraid. Not of the death that one faces in a revolution; nor of the death of the revolution that is already dead. Ortega’s fear is the fear of leaving power and that they will bring him back. Fear of ending up in a cell. With no one outside waiting for his words to act. Without power. That, for this man who has completed the journey from hero to tyrant, would be worse than death.

 
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Eltitoguay

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Ernesto Cardenal, poet :​

Well, in the midst of all this, the Nicaraguan Ernesto Cardenal appears in Mexico in 1944. Priest, poet, mythical and revolutionary, his life and career are today very far from what they were in those years when we attended the café together at the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters of the University of Mexico, in the mid-forties, when Cardenal did not want to know anything about political matters. Cardenal, who could teach it, studied literature there and did not want to know anything else. And I say that he could teach it because he had already been trained, like two other notable poets of his country, Ernesto Mejía Sánchez and Carlos Martínez Rivas, under the direction of José Coronel Urtecho and Pablo Antonio Cuadra, who knew and know all the literature in the world that there is to know. Among Guatemalans and Nicaraguans we soon formed a kind of Central American colony of poets and writers, in the midst of another similar group of Mexicans, all half-mad and half-sane, but all hopeful, among whom I will tell you in passing that there was the later president of Mexico, Luis Echevarría, only in him sanity predominated.
As it is not my purpose here to make a picturesque memory of our adventures or experiences of that time, I will now concentrate on remembering a thin man, with the face and gestures and movements of a bird, one of those birds that, like self-portraits of himself, are always present in everything he writes and with which he must be identified; a strange tropical bird, brilliant, restless, in constant good humor, with a deep good humor, intelligent, which would always lead him to the enthusiastic defense and joy of the beautiful and intrinsically valuable, at the same time as to the attack and ridicule of the misery of our political life. (He, who did not want to have anything to do with politics.) A bird always with the same theme of love and hate, in a counterpoint that we had not heard since the great love-hate poems of Pablo Neruda; those great American poems in which the theme of lush, green, green nature is always stained with the blood of the dead and those tortured in prisons, like that friend he speaks of:
"Luis Gabuardi mi compañero de clase al que quemaron
vivo y murió gritando ¡Muera Somoza!"
"Luis Gabuardi, my classmate who was burned

alive and died shouting "Death to Somoza!"

At that time Cardenal was 20 years old and he wrote love poems to very beautiful girls, as spirited as he was and with luminous names, but whom he also idealized so much that the girls probably ended up feeling like pure spirits, they were afraid of ceasing to belong to this world, of becoming a mere idea of the poet, and so they fled from that strange man who treated them like muses and who barely dared to see them, but whom, as he himself says in many of his epigrams, he was immortalizing from then on:
"...Y es probable que ellas ahora crean que van a inmortalizarse a través de sus hijos; y no, sino que estarán siempre presentes en la imaginación de alguien que las imagine en el futuro a través de las palabras de aquel hombre flaquísimo y tímido que, como Dante frente a Beatriz, apenas se atrevía a levantar la mirada hasta ellas, no fuera a ser que lo fulminaran con una sonrisa:
Yo he repartido papeletas clandestinas,
gritando: ¡VIVA LA LIBERTAD! en plena calle
desafiando a los guardias armados.
Yo participé en la rebelión de abril:
pero palidezco cuando paso por tu casa
y tu sola mirada me hace temblar..."
"...
And it is likely that they now believe that they will be immortalized through their children; but no, they will always be present in the imagination of someone who imagines them in the future through the words of that very thin and timid man who, like Dante in front of Beatrice, barely dared to raise his gaze to them, lest they strike him down with a smile:
I have distributed clandestine ballots,
shouting: LONG LIVE FREEDOM! in the middle of the street,
defying the armed guards.
I participated in the April rebellion:
but I turn pale when I pass by your house
and your mere glance makes me tremble..."


In the environment I spoke of earlier, in the Mexico of Carlos Augusto León, the Venezuelan poet who said:
"Aquí los potros corren vertiginosamente
y se diría que marchan paso a paso,..."
"Here the foals run at a dizzying pace

, and one might say that they are marching step by step,..."
...in the jubilant revolutionary spirit that kept us alive and active, the only one walking on the water was Cardenal, who was constantly polishing great poems, which he does not like now, about the American world of the Conquistadors, and about the need to leave...:
"Invito a todos los que se acogen al abrigo de estos muros de muerte
a todos los que lloran en esta margen por un país de amor y eternidades,
a todos los que agonizan sobre femeninas dunas calcinadas,
invito a hacer un viaje, más allá de donde el mar levanta su humareda,
más allá del horizonte donde el ataúd del mundo definitivamente se cierra
bajo el peso de un cielo insostenible hecho de lápidas azules; invito a hacer un viaje, muy lejos de esta tierra, de esta ciudad y su mortaja,
antes que la última embarcación se marchite cercada por el polvo,
porque es necesario partir, porque es necesario partir."

"I invite all those who seek shelter under these walls of death,
all those who weep on this shore for a country of love and eternity,
all those who agonize on scorched female dunes,
I invite you to take a journey, beyond where the sea raises its smoke,
beyond the horizon where the coffin of the world finally closes
under the weight of an unbearable sky made of blue tombstones; I invite you to take a journey, far from this land, from this city and its shroud,
before the last boat withers surrounded by dust,

because it is necessary to leave, because it is necessary to leave."
...And about the joyful laughter of girls, who in those poems and in real life always ended up being for others, just as the rivers, the birds and the precious woods of her native Nicaragua were of others and for others:
"Me contaron que estabas enamorada de otro
y entonces me fui a mi cuarto
y escribí este artículo para el gobierno
por el que estoy preso."
"I was told that you were in love with someone else
and so I went to my room
and wrote this article for the government

for which I am imprisoned."

Yes, now that I remember, he was walking on water, and he believed in muses; but he really believed and he got very angry because we didn't believe in muses, and he would say furiously that how could a poet write without having a muse to dictate the verses to him, just as the poet Robert Graves now maintains, except that in Graves' case the muse is flesh and blood and a dancer and he is fifty-seven years older than her, whereas Cardenal's muses were the same muses as before, those of the Greeks.
At that time I believed more in the muses of the unions, in those of the red and black flags, and I dreamed of a great popular uprising that, inspired by the muse of Hunger, would sweep everything away once and for all.

Fortunately, Cardenal's muses, who were never on strike, began to dictate to him not the plaintive verses of the scorned lover, but the deep and virile verses of the poet who gives all his love in a furious way, all his love to women, all his love to his country in a furious way, as in the poem "Hora 0":
"En abril los mataron.
Yo estuve con ellos en la rebelión de abril
y aprendí a manejar una ametralladora Rising,
y Adolfo Báez Bone era mi amigo:
le persiguieron con aviones, con camiones,
con reflectores, con bombas lacrimógenas,
con radios, con perros, con guardias;
y yo recuerdo las nubes rojas sobre la Casa Presidencial
como algodones ensangrentados,
y la luna roja sobre la Casa Presidencial.
La radio clandestina decía que vivía.
El pueblo no creía que había muerto.
(Y no ha muerto)"

"In April they killed them.
I was with them in the April rebellion
and learned to handle a Rising machine gun,
and Adolfo Báez Bone was my friend:
they pursued him with planes, with trucks,
with searchlights, with tear gas bombs,
with radios, with dogs, with guards;
and I remember the red clouds over the Presidential House
like bloody cotton,
and the red moon over the Presidential House.
The clandestine radio said he was alive.
The people did not believe he was dead.

(And he is not dead.)"
...Or others who are reminiscent of Leopardi, with whom, now that I think about it, Cardenal has more than one parallel, a parallel that Cardenal may not even suspect:
Leopardi:
"All is peace and quiet; everyone is silent

, and no one remembers it.
In my early years, when
the holiday was anxiously awaited, or
when it had passed, I would lie awake, mourning, and
squeezing my pillow; and later
I would hear a song that was
slowly dying away on the paths in the distance
, and my heart would ache as it does today."

...And Cardinal:
"Como latas de cerveza vacías y colillas
de cigarrillos apagados, han sido mis días,
Como figuras que pasan por la pantalla
de televisión y desaparecen, así ha pasado mi vida.
Como los automóviles que pasan rápidos
por las carreteras, con risas de muchachas
y músicas de radios.
Y la belleza pasó rápida, como el modelo de los autos
y las canciones de los radios que pasaron de moda.
Y no ha quedado nada de aquellos días, nada,
más que latas vacías, colillas apagadas,
risas en fotos marchitas, boletos rotos,
y el aserrín con que al amanecer abrieron los bares."

"Like empty beer cans and
cigarette butts that have gone out, my days have been
like figures that pass by on the
television screen and disappear, so has my life passed.
Like cars that go by fast
on the highways, with the laughter of girls
and music from the radio.
And beauty passed quickly, like the model of the cars
and the songs on the radio that went out of fashion.
And nothing remains of those days, nothing,
but empty cans, extinguished cigarette butts,
laughter in faded photos, torn tickets,
and the sawdust with which the bars were opened at dawn."


And so the poet, believing in his muses, matured vitally and politically more than we, who became mere writers, bureaucrats or diplomats, while he no longer only walks on water, but on clouds, like the nephew of Rubén Darío, and most miraculously, on earth, because he has the secret of believing in the impossible and then the impossible is possible for him, and sometimes I find him in different parts of the world, and now he is the same bird, but a bird with a beard, with a big white Whitmanesque beard, dressed in white cotton cloth and I hear that people go and ask him not for autographs like any other writer, but for a blessing, because they know he is a priest and they call him father and they want to kiss his hand, and he then laughs and does not allow it but looks at them with a look with which he rather asks for forgiveness for himself for possessing the gift of forgiving them. So, faced with this, I have no choice but to meditate a little and, like now, I get sentimental and remember the bars and cabarets of Mexico in those years when we drank beer literally until we were sick and danced with strange women who were paid a peso to dance and a little more for something else, while the poet, who was also there, took note of life and today cannot write a single verse or a single line that is not full of life, without metaphors, without embellishments, simply full of life.

 
Last edited:

Eltitoguay

Well-known member

Ernesto Cardenal: Memories of a priest and Marxist :

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Priest, mystic, revolutionary, Marxist and former Minister of Culture of Nicaragua, always wrapped in controversy.

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For Cardenal, "capitalism goes against human nature", and he continues to believe in the triumph of democratic and humanist socialism.

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Poet and "revolutionary writer" as he uses to describes himself, Ernesto Cardenal is considered a legend of contemporary Hispanic American history.
He was Peace Prize of the German Book Trade (1980), Pablo Neruda Ibero-American Poetry Prize (2009), Corresponding member of the Mexican Academy of Language (2010), Queen Sofia Prize for Ibero-American Poetry (2012), Rubén Darío Order of Cultural Independence by the government of Nicaragua, the highest award and recognition granted by Nicaragua, Mario Benedetti Award from the Benedetti Foundation of Uruguay (2018), ...; In May 2005 he was nominated for the Nobel Prize in Literature , which he did not receive.

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He is appreciated for works such as "Epigrams "(1961) and his "Homage to the American Indians" (1969), as well as for his fight against the dictatorship of General Anastasio Somoza.
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After the expulsion of the Somoza clan thanks to the Sandinst Revolution, Ernesto Cardenal was one of three priests who formed part of the Sandinista government and in 1979 he was appointed Minister of Culture of Nicaragua.
But in the mid-1990s he distanced himself from the revolutionary leader and later president Daniel Ortega, whom he called a “dictator,” and from the Sandinistas, whom he accused of corruption and electoral manipulation.

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Tireless and with firm convictions, he created a new leftist party to rescue his old ideals, and later gave his moral support to the Sandinista Renovation Movement (MRS) and the MRS Party Alliance during the 2006 elections, as did other prominent Nicaraguan writers, such as Gioconda Belli and Sergio Ramírez Mercado , founder of the MRS.

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Despite the end of the Cold War more than a decade ago and the events of September 11, 2001, Cardenal remains faithful to himself and his worldview :
By the end of the 1980s, it was not Marxism that had failed, but "the model of the Stalinist parties."


He believes in the compatibility of Marxism and Christianity and, against all trends, announces the "century of Christian Marxism" for the next 100 years.

Ernesto Cardenal and Marxism :​


March 2020; at the age of 95, the life of the Nicaraguan poet Ernesto Cardenal was extinguished.
The mystic poet, the popular priest, the theologian, the revolutionary passed away. Perhaps one of the greatest of Hispanic American literature passed away.
A different poet, one who, despite his religious condition, faithfully believed that Christianity and Marxism did not necessarily have to be incompatible.

"The Gospel in Solentiname" is a book that gathers the poet's thoughts and actions during his stay on the island of Solentiname. Cardenal reveals his social role and it is precisely from the space he knows, religion, that he assumes a politically active attitude in social and political aspects. Here he analyses the social situation from Marxist premises in relation to his vast readings of the Christian gospel. This is a path that not many dared to try.

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Later, in an interview conducted in 2012 for the Spanish newspaper El País, the poet clarifies his relationship with Marxism:
When asked if he believes that Marxism is still relevant today, Cardenal states that "Marxism had never failed because it was never really put into practice."
Later, he is asked: Don't you think that Marxism made mistakes? Or those who tried to put it into practice?...; Ernesto Cardenal answers bluntly: "Yes, and Christianity too, which had horrible versions: the crusades, the Inquisition, the popes of the Renaissance..."

Cardenal was, without a doubt, a different poet and, moreover, a priest who looked at life from other angles. He was a constant and very sharp critic of the Vatican. He even believed that the Church had betrayed the Gospel. And all this is only part of his life, as regards his religious and social affiliation. There would still be much to talk about his poetry, which elevated him to eternity.

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Last edited:

Eltitoguay

Well-known member
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Energy

The Spanish Goverment publishes the extension until 2025 of the ban on water, electricity and gas cuts for vulnerable people :​

The BOE publishes the extension until 2025 of the ban on water, electricity and gas cuts for vulnerable people

Minister for Ecological Transition, Sara Aaagesen, during a government control session in the Congress of Deputies, on November 27, 2024, in Madrid (Spain).- EDUARDO PARRA - EUROPA PRESS

The Official State Gazette (BOE) published on Tuesday the Royal Decree-Law that extends the social shield measures for vulnerable consumers in terms of energy, such as the extension of the prohibition of interrupting basic supplies of water, electricity and gas for vulnerable consumers until December 31, 2025.

However, at the end of the year the possibility of a reduced IVA (VAT: Value Added Tax) on electricity bills will expire, thus returning to a permanent 21%.

The regulation, which will come into force tomorrow and was approved this Monday at the last Council of Ministers of 2024, maintains actions to promote sustainable mobility, with the extension of aid and the current tax exemption, and to promote energy savings.

Firstly, the ban on interrupting basic water, electricity and gas supplies for vulnerable consumers established in 2021 will remain in place for another year. The measure will therefore remain in force until 31 December 2025.

The decree also extends the exceptional situation of the social electricity bonus for vulnerable and severely vulnerable consumers, which was strengthened in response to the energy crisis caused by the invasion of Ukraine.

These discounts, originally set at 25% and 40%, were increased to 65% and 80% respectively, as part of the Government's comprehensive response, which included, among other measures, the so-called 'Iberian exception', which resulted in savings of 5 billion euros on consumers' bills.

After analysing the evolution of the situation in the markets, a gradual return to normality was established last June, which would end in July 2025, with new and reinforced discounts: vulnerable consumers will have a 35% reduction instead of the 25% prior to the crisis, and severely vulnerable consumers will have a 50% reduction instead of the previous 40%.

The Ministry for Ecological Transition and the Demographic Challenge has stressed that this regulation "gives greater scope for this progressive adjustment, so that they will reach this new and reinforced level of normality as of January 1, 2026."

Thus, from January 1st, vulnerable consumers will have a 50% discount. From July 1st, it will be 42.5% and on January 1st 2026 it will stabilise at the enhanced 35%. Severely vulnerable consumers will have a 65% discount from January 1st, 57.5% from July 1st and it will stabilise at the enhanced 50% in January 2026.

DISCOUNT ON TOLLS FOR ELECTROINTENSIVE PEOPLE :​

In addition, the law maintains the 80% discount on tolls until December 31 of next year for electro-intensive industries.

As regards electricity bills, sources from the Ministry of Finance confirmed to Europa Press that, in the case of electricity taxes, they will do as planned, so that at the end of the year the reduction that was adopted in its taxation, as in the case of VAT, as a measure to combat the energy crisis caused by the war in Ukraine, will expire.

In this way, the VAT on electricity bills linked to the wholesale electricity market price will decrease from January 1 and will return to a permanent 21% on electricity bills.

Following the exceptional reductions in VAT on bills adopted during the crisis, throughout 2024 this tax had been varying from 21% in general to 10% if the electricity market price exceeded the threshold of 45 euros per megawatt hour (MWh) in the previous month.



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Discounts on electricity and gas bills for vulnerable families are extended until 2025
  • The Government has extended the so-called 'social shield' in force in energy matters to protect the most vulnerable groups. The electricity, water and gas supplies cannot be cut off in the event of non-payment until the end of the year, while the Thermal Social Bonus and the Electric Social Bonus are extended until June 30, 2025.
The electricity bill represents a significant expense for family economies, especially during the hottest or coldest times of the year. For many vulnerable households, this expense can represent a significant part of their income. In recent years, households in vulnerable and severely vulnerable situations have benefited from additional discounts on the electricity voucher, with reductions of 40% and 85% on the cost of electricity. A few weeks ago, the Council of Ministers agreed to maintain the social electricity voucher aid for low-income households, with a gradual normalisation until June 2025.

These were not the only energy measures announced by the Executive. A regulation was also approved prohibiting the cutting off of water, electricity and gas supplies in vulnerable homes from now until the end of the year, in addition to making permanent the regulated gas tariff that was created specifically to help communities of neighbours pay for heating, the TUR4, which would otherwise have ended on June 30.

These were not the only energy measures announced by the Executive. A regulation was also approved prohibiting the cutting off of water, electricity and gas supplies in vulnerable homes from now until the end of the year, in addition to making permanent the regulated gas tariff that was created specifically to help communities of neighbours pay for heating, the TUR4, which would otherwise have ended on June 30.

The extension of aid and when it ends :​

  • The 65% aid for vulnerable consumers and 80% for severely vulnerable consumers will be maintained until September 30, 2024.
  • From October 1 to December 31, 2024, the discount will be 57% for vulnerable consumers, and 72.5% for severely vulnerable consumers.
  • From January 1 to March 31, 2025, the discount for the former will be 50% and 65% for the latter; and from April 1 to June 30, 2025, it will be 42.5% and 57.5% respectively.
  • Finally, from 1 July 2025, the discount will be 35% for vulnerable consumers, and 50% for severely vulnerable consumers, on an indefinite basis.
Although energy poverty is more associated with cold than heat, the truth is that many families in Spain have difficulty maintaining an adequate temperature in their homes. This type of poverty is one more manifestation of the general phenomenon of poverty and social exclusion in our country. The study 'The impact of energy poverty on the social vulnerability of the population served by the Red Cross in the context of the inflationary crisis' presented on July 1 in Madrid reveals the inability of more than 60% of the people surveyed to maintain comfort in their homes both in winter and summer. Given this scenario, "more than 25% of households experienced delays in paying bills in greater proportion than in previous years, which confirms the connection between this fear of the bill and the growing situation of thermal discomfort in these homes," explains María Cortijo, from the Data, Studies and Quality Area of the Spanish Red Cross.

For this reason, the Organisation works to combat energy poverty with the aim of helping those groups at risk or in situations of extreme vulnerability who suffer energy problems in their homes, either because they do not understand their electricity bill, or because they do not have the resources to be able to optimise it. In some cases, measures such as refurbishing homes or distributing household appliances are taken to give a boost to these most vulnerable families.



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Measures against the energy crisis in Spain: how do they benefit me?​

Ecological Transition and the Demographic Challenge - 4.7.2024
The Government is extending measures to reduce electricity bills and guarantee essential supplies to vulnerable groups.

Government measures in response to rising energy prices


On 25 June, the Council of Ministers agreed to continue with the measures established to deal with the increase in prices caused by the conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East and to protect consumers in a situation of energy vulnerability, so that they have guaranteed access to electricity, gas and water.
This is the ninth package of anti-crisis measures approved by the Government. It extends the duration of many of the decisions adopted in 2022 and 2023 to strengthen the welfare state and the protection of the middle and working classes, as well as businesses.

How long does the reduction in energy bills last?​

The tax reduction on Value Added Tax (VAT) on electricity consumed by households will be maintained until 31 December 2024. The VAT rate applied will be the reduced rate of 10% on all components of the electricity bill. Before these measures came into force, the tax rate was 21%.

How do I know if I have the benefit of the VAT reduction on electricity?​

It is intended for holders of electricity supply contracts, whose contracted power (fixed power term) is less than or equal to 10 kW, regardless of the supply voltage level and the contracting modality, when the arithmetic average price of the daily market corresponding to the last calendar month prior to the last day of the billing period has exceeded €45/MWh.

It is also received by holders of electricity supply contracts who are recipients of the electricity social bonus and have been recognised as severely vulnerable or severely vulnerable at risk of social exclusion.

Can essential supplies be suspended?​

The ban on interrupting the supply of electricity, natural gas and water to consumers who are vulnerable, severely vulnerable or at risk of social exclusion is extended until 31 December 2024.
Vulnerable consumers are considered to be natural persons who own an electricity supply point in their habitual residence, who are eligible for the voluntary price for small consumers (PVPC), and who meet the requirements established in articles 3 and 4 of Royal Decree 897/2017, of October 6, which regulates the figure of the vulnerable consumer, the social bonus and other protection measures for domestic consumers of electricity.

To prove the status of vulnerable consumer to natural gas and water supply companies, it will be enough to present the last electricity bill reflecting the receipt of the electricity social bonus.

If a person is not the holder of the supply contract for the home in which they live, but they or their cohabitation unit meet the requirements of the aforementioned article 3 of Royal Decree 897/2017 and present, to the marketing company with which the supply contract is signed, a certificate from social services or social mediators accrediting this circumstance, the supply of electricity, natural gas and water to the home cannot be suspended either. This measure applies to homes inhabited by people who are not beneficiaries of the social bonus (as they are not holders of the supply contract) and to both free market and regulated market marketing companies.
Energy saving: what are the discounts for the social electricity bonus?

What are the discounts for the social electricity bonus? :​

Regarding the discounts on the electricity social bonus, the Government has established a progressive path of reduction in the percentage as the price situation improves.
The current social bonus discounts, of 65% for vulnerable consumers and 80% for severely vulnerable consumers, will be maintained until September 30, 2024, coinciding with the summer season and the increase in consumption recorded to combat high temperatures. From that moment on, a reduction of the discount of 7.5 percentage points per quarter will be applied, in relation to the total bill, so that the resulting percentages are as follows:
  • From October 1, 2024 to December 31, 2024, the discount for vulnerable consumers will be 57.5% and for severely vulnerable consumers 72.5%.
  • From January 1, 2025 to March 31, 2025, the discount for vulnerable consumers will be 50% and for severely vulnerable consumers 65%.
  • From April 1, 2025 to June 30, 2025, the discount for vulnerable consumers will be 42.5% and for severely vulnerable consumers 57.5%.
From 1 July 2025, the discount for vulnerable consumers will be 35% and for severely vulnerable consumers 50%, with an indefinite period of time, which represents a reinforcement of the usual level of protection prior to the outbreak of the energy crisis, which was 25% for the former and 40% for the latter.

What is the electricity social bonus?​

The social electricity bonus is a discount on the electricity bill that can be benefited by consumers who meet the following requirements:
1. Have contracted the voluntary price for small consumers (PVPC) in the habitual residence
The PVPC is a price that can be applied for by the owners of supply points, whether they are individuals or micro-enterprises, with voltages not exceeding 1 kV and with a contracted power equal to or less than 10 kW.
The PVPC includes the cost of energy, taxes, tolls and charges. It does not include any other additional products or services.
2. Meet the established personal, family or income requirements.
The discount on the energy term will be applied taking into account the following annual energy consumption limits:
  • Individual demand / Cohabitation unit made up of two people: annual maximum 1,587kWh
  • Cohabitation unit made up of three people / Pensioners (minimum amount) / Cohabitation unit made up of people, one of whom is a minor: annual maximum 2,222 kWh
  • Cohabitation unit consisting of four people / Cohabitation unit consisting of three people, two of whom are minors: annual maximum 2,698 kWh
  • Cohabitation unit made up of five or more people / Cohabitation unit made up of four people, three of whom are minors / Large families: annual maximum 4,761 kWh

How do I apply for the electricity social bonus?​

Vulnerable consumers can request it at the offices (where they exist), by telephone, by fax, through the email address or by post to one of the reference marketers (COR)
The social bonus is already allowing more than 1.6 million households to reduce their electricity bills.

What is the thermal social bonus?​

The Thermal Social Bonus is a direct aid launched by the Government in October 2018 with the aim of alleviating energy poverty and protecting the most vulnerable consumers.
This is an aid for low-income families that covers the costs incurred by the use of heating, hot water and cooking, regardless of the thermal system used.
All consumers who are covered by the social electricity bonus as of 31 December of the previous year are eligible. No application is required to receive this aid.

Changes in the Last Resort Rate (TUR) for gas​

In the new measures adopted, the Last Resort Tariff (TUR) for gas is granted an indefinite character for communities of owners and energy service companies that cover this demand.

More information​

 
Last edited:

Eltitoguay

Well-known member
When I read and hear certain "new experts" on sustainability today (who a few years ago questioned climate change, or now declare current nuclear fission power plants as "green" and "sustainable", or demand "increasing-creating more energy demand"), I cannot help but remember the Prince of Asturias Award for Literature and Juan Rulfo Award for Literature (and candidate for the Cervantes and Nobel Prizes), Augusto Monterroso, and the lesson on economic sustainability that he gave us in his hilarious story "Mr Taylor", no less than in the 1950s of the last century...
All the lovers of the most radically free and uncontrolled capitalism will enjoy this story, where someone (the supplying party) comes up with the idea of putting a "curious (at least) commodity" on the free market, and people (the accepting party, a.k.a. the demanding party) go crazy with this new commodity and it becomes the latest big international commercial success, and they want more and more, and... (Spoiler: in it, among other things, people are dying non-stop, whether "commercially successful", or because of it...)

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Mr. Taylor :​

[Story - Full text.] Augusto Monterroso


-Less rare, although certainly more exemplary - said the other then - is the story of Mr. Percy Taylor, headhunter in the Amazon jungle.

It is known that in 1937 he left Boston, Massachusetts, where he had polished his spirit to the point of not having a penny. In 1944 he appeared for the first time in South America, in the Amazon region, living with the indigenous people of a tribe whose name does not need to be remembered.
Because of his dark circles under his eyes and his emaciated appearance, he soon became known there as “the poor gringo,” and the children at school would even point at him and throw stones at him when he walked with his beard shining under the golden tropical sun. But this did not afflict Mr. Taylor’s humble condition because he had read in the first volume of the Complete Works of William G. Knight that if one does not envy the rich, poverty does not disgrace.
Within a few weeks the natives had become accustomed to him and his extravagant clothes. Moreover, because he had blue eyes and a vague foreign accent, the President and the Minister of Foreign Affairs treated him with singular respect, fearing to provoke international incidents.
So poor and miserable was he that one day he went into the forest in search of grass to feed himself. He had walked for several yards without daring to turn around when, by pure chance, he saw through the undergrowth two Indian eyes watching him intently. A long shudder ran down Mr. Taylor's sensitive spine. But Mr. Taylor, intrepid, braved the danger and continued on his way, whistling as if nothing had happened.
With a leap (which there is no need to call feline) the native stood in front of him and exclaimed:

Buy head? Money, money.

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Although the Englishman could not have been worse, Mr. Taylor, somewhat indisposed, concluded that the native was offering him for sale a man's head, curiously reduced, which he was carrying in his hand.

Needless to say, Mr. Taylor was not in a position to buy it; but as he pretended not to understand, the Indian felt terribly diminished by not speaking English well, and gave it to him with apologies.

Mr. Taylor was delighted when he returned to his hut. That night, lying face up on the rickety palm mat that served as his bed, interrupted only by the buzzing of the excited flies that buzzed around him making obscene love, Mr. Taylor contemplated his curious acquisition with delight for a long time. The greatest aesthetic pleasure came from counting, one by one, the hairs of his beard and moustache, and from looking straight into the pair of ironic little eyes that seemed to smile at him in gratitude for his deference.

A man of vast culture, Mr. Taylor used to indulge in contemplation; but this time he soon became bored with his philosophical reflections and decided to give the head to an uncle of his, Mr. Rolston, a resident of New York, who from his earliest childhood had shown a strong inclination for the cultural manifestations of the Hispanic American peoples.

A few days later, Mr. Taylor's uncle asked him - after enquiring about the state of his good health - to please oblige him with five more. Mr. Taylor gladly agreed to Mr. Rolston's whim and - it is not known how - by return mail "was very pleased to satisfy his wishes." Much appreciated, Mr. Rolston asked him for another ten. Mr. Taylor felt "very flattered to be able to serve him." But when a month later the uncle asked him to send twenty, Mr. Taylor, a rough and bearded man but with a refined artistic sensibility, had the feeling that his mother's brother was doing business with them.

Well, if you want to know, that was the case. Mr. Rolston made it quite frankly clear to him in an inspired letter, the resolutely businesslike terms of which struck the chords of Mr. Taylor's sensitive mind as never before.

They immediately entered into a partnership in which Mr. Taylor undertook to obtain and ship shrunken human heads on an industrial scale, while Mr. Rolston would sell them as best he could in his country.

The first few days were a time of trouble with certain local men. But Mr. Taylor, who had received top marks in Boston for an essay on Joseph Henry Silliman, proved himself a politician and obtained from the authorities not only the necessary permission to export but also an exclusive concession for ninety-nine years. It was not difficult for him to convince the warrior Executive and the wizards of the Legislature that this patriotic step would soon enrich the community, and that soon all the thirsty aborigines would be able (whenever they paused in their head-gathering) to drink a very cold drink, the magic formula of which he himself would provide.

When the members of the Chamber, after a brief but luminous intellectual effort, realized such advantages, their love for their country boiled over and within three days they issued a decree demanding the people to accelerate the production of shrunken heads.

A few months later, in Mr. Taylor's country, the heads achieved that popularity that we all remember. At first they were the privilege of the wealthiest families; but democracy is democracy and, no one will deny it, in a matter of weeks even school teachers were able to acquire them.

A home without a corresponding head was considered a failed home. Soon the collectors came along and with them the contradictions: to possess seventeen heads came to be considered in bad taste, but to have eleven was considered elegant. They became so vulgar that the truly elegant lost interest and only acquired one as an exception, if it had any particularity that saved it from vulgarity. A very rare one, with a Prussian moustache, which belonged to a highly decorated general during his lifetime, was given to the Danfeller Institute, which in turn donated, as if by lightning, three and a half million dollars to promote the development of that cultural manifestation, so exciting, of the Hispanic American peoples.

Meanwhile, the tribe had progressed to such an extent that it now had a little path around the Legislative Palace. Along this cheerful little path on Sundays and on Independence Day, members of Congress would stroll, clearing their throats, wearing their feathers, very serious, laughing, on the bicycles that the Company had given them.

But what do they want? Not all times are good. When they least expected it, the first shortage of heads appeared.

Then the most joyous part of the party began.

The mere deaths were already insufficient. The Minister of Public Health felt sincere, and one dark night, with the light off, after caressing her breast for a while as if he could not stop, he confessed to his wife that he considered himself incapable of raising the mortality rate to a level that would please the Company, to which she replied that he should not worry, that everything would turn out well, and that they should go to sleep.

To compensate for this administrative deficiency, it was essential to take heroic measures and the death penalty was established in a rigorous manner.

The jurists consulted each other and elevated even the most trivial offence to the category of crime, punishable by hanging or firing squad, depending on its severity.

Even simple mistakes became criminal acts. For example, if in a banal conversation someone, through sheer carelessness, said “It’s very hot,” and it was later proven, thermometer in hand, that the heat was not that bad, a small tax was levied on him and he was shot on the spot, with the head going to the Company and, it is fair to say, the torso and limbs going to the mourners.

The legislation on diseases immediately gained resonance and was widely discussed by the Diplomatic Corps and the Foreign Ministries of friendly powers.

According to this memorable legislation, seriously ill people were given twenty-four hours to put their papers in order and die; but if they were lucky enough to infect their family during this time, they were given as many one-month periods as there were relatives who were infected. Victims of minor illnesses and those who were simply indisposed deserved the scorn of the country, and anyone in the street could spit in their faces. For the first time in history, the importance of doctors (there were several candidates for the Nobel Prize) who did not cure anyone was recognized. Dying became an example of the most exalted patriotism, not only at the national level, but at the most glorious level, on the continental level.

With the boost achieved by other subsidiary industries (the coffin industry, first of all, which flourished with the Company's technical assistance), the country entered, as they say, into a period of great economic boom. This boost was particularly evident in a new flowery little path, along which the deputies' wives strolled, wrapped in the melancholy of the golden autumn afternoons, their pretty little heads saying yes, yes, everything was fine, when some helpful journalist, from the other side, greeted them smilingly, taking off his hat.

As an aside, I would like to point out that one of these journalists, who once let out a drizzly sneeze that he could not justify, was accused of being an extremist and taken to the firing squad. Only after his selfless end did the academics of the language recognise that this journalist was one of the greatest minds in the country; but once he was reduced to a fine state, it was not even noticeable the difference.

And Mr. Taylor? By that time he had been appointed private advisor to the Constitutional President. Now, as an example of what individual effort can do, he counted thousands by thousands; but this did not keep him awake at night because he had read in the last volume of the Complete Works of William G. Knight that being a millionaire is not dishonorable if one does not despise the poor.

I think this will be the second time I have said that not all times are good. Given the prosperity of the business, there came a time when only the authorities and their wives and the journalists and their wives remained in the neighbourhood. Without much effort, Mr. Taylor's brain came up with the idea that the only possible remedy was to foment war with the neighbouring tribes. Why not? Progress.

With the aid of a few small cannons, the first tribe was cleanly decapitated in scarcely three months. Mr. Taylor tasted the glory of extending his domains. Then came the second; then the third, and the fourth, and the fifth. Progress spread so rapidly that the time came when, in spite of all the efforts of the technicians, it was not possible to find neighbouring tribes to wage war on...


It was the beginning of the end.


The sidewalks began to fade away. Only occasionally could a lady or a prize-winning poet walk along them with a book under his arm. The weeds, once again, took over both of them, making the delicate passage of the ladies difficult and thorny. With the heads, bicycles became scarce and the cheerful optimistic greetings almost disappeared altogether.

The coffin maker was sadder and more gloomy than ever. And everyone felt as if they had just remembered a pleasant dream, that wonderful dream in which you find a bag full of gold coins and you put it under your pillow and go on sleeping, and very early the next day, when you wake up, you look for it and find yourself empty.

However, the business continued to hold up, but it was already difficult to sleep, for fear of waking up exported.

In Mr. Taylor's homeland, of course, the demand was ever increasing. New inventions appeared daily, but deep down nobody believed in them and everyone was demanding the little Spanish-American heads...


It was for the last crisis. Mr. Rolston, desperate, asked for more heads. Although the Company's shares suffered a sharp decline, Mr. Rolston was convinced that his nephew would do something to get him out of this situation.

Shipments, which used to be daily, decreased to one per month, now with just about anything, including the heads of children, women, and deputies.

Suddenly they stopped altogether.

One rough, grey Friday, returning from the Stock Exchange, still dazed by the shouting and the pitiful spectacle of panic put on by his friends, Mr. Rolston decided to jump out of the window (instead of using his revolver, the noise of which would have filled him with terror) when, upon opening a package from the post, he came upon the little head of Mr. Taylor, smiling at him from afar, from the fierce Amazon, with a false child's smile that seemed to say:
"Sorry, sorry, I won't do it again."

END
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Eltitoguay

Well-known member
...back to the USA...
 
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Eltitoguay

Well-known member
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Deglobalization or struggle for world hegemony?


Understanding the extent of China's development as a power is essential to navigate the current architecture of world politics. This is the most relevant factor, along with the decline of American imperialism, to understand the earthquakes that are shaking international relations and their effects on the class struggle in all countries.

Juan Ignacio Ramos - Secretary General of the Revolutionary Left Economy November 11, 2023
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“Under capitalism, it is inconceivable that spheres of influence, interests, colonies, etc., should be divided up except by the power of those who participate in it – economic, financial, military, etc. – and the power of those who participate in the division changes unevenly, since the harmonious development of individual enterprises, trusts, branches of industry and countries is impossible under capitalism. Half a century ago, Germany was a mere trifle compared with Britain in terms of its capitalist strength… Is it conceivable that in ten or twenty years the balance of power between the imperialist powers will remain unchanged? It is absolutely inconceivable.”
"Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism." ;
Lenin

To disregard the colossal advance of productive forces in China in recent decades and the material basis it has provided to the state capitalist regime and its bourgeoisie to launch their imperialist agenda has little to do with Marxist theory. It is to deny one of the most salient laws of historical materialism: that of uneven development.

The Asian giant has rapidly completed stages that took other nations decades to complete. This progress has not only been quantitative, but qualitative, to the point of becoming a power capable of challenging the supremacy of the United States in decisive economic and geostrategic areas, and of disputing global governance with increasing success. While Washington has become a focus of permanent destabilization of international relations, Beijing attracts into its orbit numerous countries that not long ago were on the side of the American superpower.

State capitalism

We can point to three major turning points in the advance of Chinese capitalism: the Great Recession of 2008, the pandemic, and the imperialist war in Ukraine.

While the Western powers were sinking into a spiral of recession and stagnation, China took off in a big way in 2008. If that year its GDP was 4.5 trillion dollars, in 2012 it rose to 8 trillion and in 2022 to 17.1. In 2000, gross fixed capital formation was estimated at 400 billion dollars, but in 2018 it reached 5.7 trillion, surpassing the US figure.

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To disregard the colossal advance of productive forces in China in recent decades and the material basis it has provided to the state capitalist regime and its bourgeoisie to launch their imperialist agenda has little to do with Marxist theory.

China's contribution to global economic growth was 3.1% in 1978, 27.5% in 2018, and 33% in 2021 (source OECD). Although the US was still the largest economy in 2022 with 26.6% of global GDP, according to JP Morgan Economic Research, China closed the gap and reached 20.5%. The EU ranked third (16.8%) and Japan (5.7%) fourth.

As part of the campaign to discredit these advances, the Western press has been ridiculing the policies of the Xi Jinping regime for years and predicting all kinds of catastrophes. In May 2022, The Economist wrote about “the zero-Covid madness” that “is terrifying investors.” But reality has contradicted these predictions, as have the self-proclaimed Marxist theorists who echoed them. China has suffered a tiny number of deaths compared to those we suffer in the West and has maintained robust growth throughout this period.

In fact, Chinese exports remained buoyant throughout 2020, and that year laid the groundwork for the meteoric expansion of 2021, when its foreign sales grew by almost 30%. Between 2020 and 2022, the Chinese economy grew, in cumulative rates, almost nine points faster than the US economy. According to Bloomberg Economics, China's GDP growth this five-year period will be 22.6% compared to 11.3% in the US.

Inevitably, such an outcome has brought greater social and political stability to the Xi Jinping regime compared to the fractured and impoverished situation in American and European societies. It does not take a genius to understand that the sustained growth of production and exports is generating a larger internal market, and this has allowed the Chinese ruling class to make wage concessions far above those of other economies. According to the ILO, between 2008 and 2022, real wages for Chinese workers have almost tripled.

We point out these ideas not to sow illusions about Chinese capitalism, nor to hide the ruthless exploitation to which the working class is subjected, the absence of trade union and democratic freedoms, and the imperialist character of its state. We do so precisely to understand why the struggle between the US and China has reached the current critical point. The battle for hegemony between the two superpowers is the backdrop that explains the military and political conflicts that are unfolding before our eyes.

An upward dynamic

China is positioning itself in the sectors that will be most crucial to the capitalist mode of production in the coming decades. In 2022, Chinese car exports reached a record 3 million units, up 54.4% from 2021. The figures for 2023 are even better: in the first quarter, exports grew by 58.3% year-on-year, making it the world's largest car exporter after overtaking Japan.

In this sector, the electric car market is completely dominated, and industry and the State are working at a rapid pace to control the production of batteries and decisively increase their autonomy, as announced by the company Gotion High-Tech with the development of one that can travel 1,000 kilometers on a single charge.

The electric car is not something marginal; on the contrary, it is the symbol of the productive transition of the 21st century due to its powerful implications in all segments of the global economy.

Faced with this avalanche of bad news, the North American and European business press has launched the thesis that we are witnessing a “dangerous process of deglobalization and fragmentation of the world market.” But what is really happening is something else: the enormous difficulties in breaking away from an extremely globalized and interconnected economy is what fuels the conflict between the powers, and this conflict is increasing in force and significance as a change in the leadership of globalization is taking place.

We are witnessing once again, as in other historical junctures, the crisis of the national economy and a fierce battle between the great imperialist blocs that have been formed in the last ten years and that can only be resolved in the international arena through a fight to the death.

In "Imperialism", Lenin explains this dynamic:

“Finance capital and the trusts do not diminish, but increase the differences in the rate of growth of the different parts of the world economy. And once the balance of forces has changed, (...) what other means than war can there be under capitalism to eliminate the existing discrepancies between the development of productive forces and the accumulation of capital, on the one hand, and the division of colonies and the 'spheres of influence' among finance capital, on the other?”

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We are witnessing, as in other historical situations, the crisis of the national economy and a fierce fight to the death between the great imperialist blocs that have been formed in the last ten years.

Global production and supply chains are more extensive than ever, not to mention financial capital. The world economy is an overwhelming reality, but the problem is how its direction now points against the interests of Western imperialism. The central aspect is not the retreat of globalization, but the change of direction in this globalization, which is moving from the Western axis to that led by China. And the most striking thing is that although this new leadership is harmful to the West, no country can disengage due to the close relations that have been forged in recent decades.

Despite all the attempts to limit trade between the US and China, the tariffs approved by the Trump administration or a new phase in the trade war under Biden, the ties between the two economies have not weakened. Why is this happening? The answer is obvious: it is quite difficult to decouple from the country that is the world's leading exporter and second largest importer.

A study by Banco Santander (September 2023) provides the specific figures: “Considering the entire year 2022, China's trade surplus expanded by 31% annually, reaching $876.91 billion, the highest figure since records began in 1950, as exports increased by 7% and imports by only 1% (General Administration of Customs of China, 2023)” [1] .

In November 2020, China signed the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership with 14 other Indo-Pacific countries. The most comprehensive agreement in history, covering 30% of the world economy. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in China increased by 8% in 2022: “The manufacturing industry experienced a growth in FDI inflow of 46.1% year-on-year (…) that of high-tech industries by 28.3% compared to 2021. During this period, investment (…) from the European Union showed a sharp increase of 92.2% year-on-year.”

These figures are a slap in the face to the US strategy of trying to break economic and trade relations between Europe and China. The Asian giant's progress is so great that after the pandemic it became the world's main multilateral creditor, and although Beijing reduced its holdings of US bonds from more than a trillion to 800 billion dollars, the essential thing is that the mutual interdependence of both countries does not diminish.

The fears of US imperialism are well founded. According to the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, China leads research into the technology of the future. It outstrips the US and all other countries in research into 37 of 44 key technologies for innovation and growth. It is also ahead of the US in eight fields related to the energy industry.

The US still leads in supercomputers, next-generation processors and natural language processing (necessary for advances such as ChatGPT), but the gap is narrowing. China surpassed the US in annual patents for the first time in 2011. Ten years later, according to UN data, it already doubled the number of patents. It surpasses the US in robot density, leads in rare earth production and shapes US industry.

The fight between China and the US for control of strategic raw materials is a deadly one. The battle for dominance of the semiconductor market does not indicate a retreat from globalisation, but rather that control of this market will be decisive for technological and economic supremacy in the future.

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Chinese state capitalism has its problems, and they are not minor. To think that Chinese capitalism can overcome the contradictions inherent in the accumulation process is nonsense.

It is true that China is dependent on foreign technology, almost all of which is controlled by its geopolitical rivals: Taiwan, Japan, South Korea or the United States. But the Beijing regime has launched the Made in China 2025 plan to reduce chip imports from 85% (in 2015) to 30% in 2025.

The US's problems with the microchip market are also evident. And they are due to the close interrelation of this industry with the production that North American multinationals develop in China. Jensen Huang, CEO of Nvidia, the most valuable North American semiconductor company in the world, highlighted this in the Financial Times: "The Biden government's export restrictions leave the Californian firm with 'its hands tied', since it cannot market chips in one of the main markets. 'If China cannot buy from the United States, they will simply build it themselves. So the US has to be careful. China is a very important market for the technology industry (...) If they deprive us of the Chinese market (...) There is no other China'".

Chinese state capitalism has its problems, and they are not minor. China's total debt has reached unprecedented levels (295% of GDP). The real estate bubble is also spreading like an oil slick, leading to multi-million-dollar bankruptcies, the most notable case being Evergrande. Without a doubt, one of the great structural imbalances is that a very important part of this real estate activity has been financed with debt from local and municipal governments - which are supplied by shadow banking, the deregulated financial sector - and which reaches three trillion dollars. It seems crazy, but if we compare it with what this sector moves in the US and Europe, it is the West that has a ten times bigger problem.

But, above all, its export dependence on countries that are in a situation of recession and stagnation (Germany, the USA, Italy, etc.) adds uncertainty. Hence the enormous diversification of Chinese investments and the search for new markets for raw materials, agro-food production, mining, etc. in Africa, Latin America and Asia.

To think that Chinese capitalism can overcome the contradictions inherent in the accumulation process is nonsense .

What we want to do is to situate the context in which the Chinese economy operates, its strengths compared to its competitors and the qualitative advantages enjoyed, even if only temporarily, by its state capitalist regime.

It has not yet replaced the US as the dominant imperialist superpower, but the war has already begun.
US imperialism has strong points in its favour. The dollar is hegemonic: it is involved in almost 90% of transactions and represents almost 60% of central banks' foreign exchange reserves (70% in 1999), but there are plans and trade agreements between China and quite a few countries, including some important former allies of the US, to change this trend. The volume is still modest, but the situation may accelerate as it has already happened in other fields.

Understanding the extent of China's development as a power is essential to navigate the current architecture of world politics. This is the most relevant factor, along with the decline of American imperialism, to understand the earthquakes that are shaking international relations and their effects on the class struggle in all countries.

[1] Foreign trade figures in China
 
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Eltitoguay

Well-known member
“Under capitalism, it is inconceivable that spheres of influence, interests, colonies, etc., should be divided up except by the power of those who participate in it – economic, financial, military, etc. – and the power of those who participate in the division changes unevenly, since the harmonious development of individual enterprises, trusts, branches of industry and countries is impossible under capitalism. Half a century ago, Germany was a mere trifle compared with Britain in terms of its capitalist strength… Is it conceivable that in ten or twenty years the balance of power between the imperialist powers will remain unchanged? It is absolutely inconceivable.”
"Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism." ;
Lenin
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Rolando Astarita [Blog]

Marxism & Economics​

Imperialism in Lenin, critical analysis


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In many discussions about the relationship between the most powerful capitalist countries and the backward countries, the issue of imperialism underlies it. A large part of the radical left continues to base its analysis on Lenin's theses of imperialism. For years I have maintained that these theses do not allow us to understand the capitalist mode of production today, and that the perspective of Capital (that is, based on the theory of labor value and surplus value) allows a more just approximation. At least three questions prompted me to undertake this critical review. First, the verification that the monopoly thesis (monopolies more or less control prices at will) has no empirical validity in contemporary capitalism (which implies that the law of value "à la Marx" applies). Secondly, the fact that the thesis of the permanent stagnation of the Third World, an idea that had dominated practically all writings on imperialism and dependence since the 1950s, had not been verified. Thirdly, the fact that for more than seven decades there have been no more inter-imperialist wars. In this last respect, I remember that at a round table, convened following the aggression against Iraq (second invasion), one of the panellists, a leader of a left-wing party, maintained that the intervention was the first step towards a large-scale armed conflict between the USA and Great Britain against Germany, France and Japan. When I told him that I did not see anything of the sort on the horizon, he replied with “it is in the nature of imperialism, as Lenin said” and predicted the break-up of NATO and the UN. A few years earlier, also at a round table, a militant from another party accused me of “beautifying capitalism” because I happened to say that a new war between the powers was not on the horizon. As always, my critic's main argument was "Lenin said...". In this note I present the difficulties that, in my opinion, the theses on imperialism contain. For this, I reproduce a part of chapter 1 of my book Monopolio, imperialismo e intercambio desigual (Madrid, Maia, 2009) :
“The question of imperialism remains at the centre of the analysis of radical left and nationalist forces in underdeveloped countries. For Marxists, the obligatory reference is Lenin’s famous pamphlet Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Imperialism , supplemented by Hilferding (1963), Hobson (1902) and Bukharin (1971). Although there were many works on imperialism in the years following Lenin’s death, his idea that imperialism is characterised by the predominance of monopoly and the exploitation of colonies, semi-colonies and dependent countries by industrialised countries was rarely questioned in Marxism. The aim of this chapter is to discuss the problems posed by this traditional view.”


The classical vision of imperialism :


The early twentieth-century Marxists' conception of imperialism revolves around a few key and linked ideas. First, imperialism is identified with a new stage of capitalism that emerged with the emergence of monopoly towards the end of the nineteenth century. Lenin explicitly states that the main characteristic of imperialism is monopoly, which consists of “the domination of monopolistic associations of large employers” (Lenin, 1973, p. 451). He considers that monopolistic capitalism has replaced free-market capitalism. Competition has been transformed into monopoly, which is the basis of economic life. This implies that violence prevails in price manipulation; commercial law loses relevance, and profits are more the product of “financial machinations and fraud” and of theft than of economic law.

Secondly, the classical view of imperialism holds that monopolization operates at the national level. Bukharin, in particular, highlights the “tendency towards the nationalization of capitalist interests” (1971, p. 80) and “the national cartelization of industry” (ibid., p. 80) in association with national states. Competition shifts from the internal market to the world market, and develops through armed conflicts between the powers.

Thirdly, the idea that monopoly capitalism is characterised by the stagnation of productive forces prevails. On the one hand, because the elimination of competition makes the drive for technological change on the part of capital disappear. On the other hand, because it is thought that capitalism has reached a stage in which overproduction is structural, due to the fact that the working and peasant masses are impoverished and have no purchasing power. This is Hobson's underconsumptionist vision, accepted by Lenin and other Marxists of the time. Thus, the advanced countries offer fewer and fewer investment opportunities. Hence Lenin's repeated references to the "putrefaction" and "decomposition" of the capitalist system. The tendency towards stagnation in the centre in turn explains the export of capital towards the periphery, which becomes a characteristic phenomenon of the time. Investments will go from the advanced countries towards the colonies and zones of influence; investments between advanced countries are not considered to be important, given the lack of profitable opportunities.

Fourthly, it is argued that the development of capitalism has led to the fusion of banking capital with industrial capital, and to the domination of the former over the latter. This is financial capital. Financial capital is parasitic; the parasitism of financial capital is another factor explaining the stagnation of mature capitalism.

Fifthly, it is thought that the response of advanced capitalisms to stagnation is the conquest of the periphery and colonial enterprise. This guarantees markets, territories for the export of capital and sources of supply. The impulse to colonialism is inevitable and growing , the great industrial countries exploit the backward regions . It is expected that the entry of foreign capital into the periphery will develop capitalism, but at the same time the dominated countries will be subject to plunder, pillage and devastation.

Finally, it is argued that wars between powers are inherent to monopoly capitalism. The reasoning behind this assertion is that the world is already divided between the powers and their monopolies. In turn, the States identify with their monopolies, and the colonial enterprise is decisive for the survival of capitalism at the centre. Therefore, developed countries with fewer colonial possessions (or with less wealth) will be forced to fight for new divisions of the world. Thus inter-imperialist wars are inevitable, and characteristic of the new era of capitalism.

In conclusion, Marxism at the beginning of the 20th century – at least that which was influenced by Lenin – thought that the capitalist system had entered a new era in which there would be a combination of wars: world wars between the powers; wars of the oppressed peoples against imperialism and for their national liberation; and civil wars of the workers against capital in the advanced industrial countries. It was the era of “the agony of capitalism.” Note that in this vision the world economic space is built from the competition of nation-states, linked to national monopolies. This space is articulated from the political and military domination of the advanced countries over the backward ones (colonies, semi-colonies and zones of influence).


Theoretical dichotomy :

The Leninist theory of imperialism, which we have described in broad outline, had the merit of taking into account the colonialist expansion of capitalism at the end of the 19th century; the intensification of the centralization of capital and the export of capital to the peripheries; and the increase in tensions between the powers, which would end in the two great wars. From this point of view it compares very advantageously with any production of bourgeois thought of its time. However, and despite the variety and richness of the phenomena contemplated, the content and limits of the concept of imperialism were never properly defined . In particular, and as Sutcliffe and Owen explained, because the term “imperialism” seems to allude on the one hand to the entire system – with an economic functioning different from that of free competition capitalism – but on the other hand refers to a “superstructure” made up of the relations between the oppressor and oppressed countries, characterized by the tendency to war and the military political apparatus involved. In other words, the category admits more than one reading, since it can be interpreted as designating the capitalist system or as referring to the relations between states. Sutcliffe and Owen, as well as Arrighi, therefore referred to the “ambiguity” of the notion of imperialism. Sutcliffe argued that :
“Since Lenin, Marxists have in fact fluctuated in their use of the term imperialism. Most frequently it is used to describe the entire capitalist system; just as frequently it refers to the relations between advanced and backward countries within the system. Sometimes it is used in both senses simultaneously, either with, or more often without, awareness of the ambiguity involved” (cited by Arrighi, 1978, p. 10).

But when we speak of “ambiguity” we are referring to an ambiguous situation, that is, to something that admits more than one interpretation and lacks precision. However, we think that at the root of the problem there is another issue, which is one of theoretical duality , and is linked to the fact that the approach to imperialism introduces a qualitatively different matrix of thought to that developed by Marx, which is based on the labor theory of value . In other words, there are two theories at heart . One, by Hilferding and Lenin, which says that prices are set by the market power of corporations. The other, by Marx, maintains that prices are determined objectively in markets, through competition. And while each of these theses gives rise to different global developments and perspectives, in the classic theses of imperialism both coexist , without it ever being made explicit that there was a problem that we could call “theoretical unification.”

Let us note that it was Lenin who seems to have been most aware of this issue among theorists of imperialism. In 1919, when the change of the program was being discussed in the Russian Communist Party, Bukharin argued that if imperialism was monopoly capitalism – that is, if there was an identity relationship – then the part of the old program that spoke of commodity production, the law of value and the dynamics of capitalism had to be rewritten. Ultimately, the explanation had to be unified by recognizing that monopoly dominated the laws of capitalist development. But significantly, Lenin opposed Bukharin's proposal, arguing that monopoly capitalism coexisted with free competition , and therefore imperialism had not completely replaced the old structure. Imperialism, he pointed out, is a “superstructure” of capitalism, in the sense that in a number of branches “the old capitalism… has grown into imperialism,” but beneath this superstructure there still exists “the enormous subsoil of the old capitalism” (Lenin, 1973a, p. 408).

The discussion had consequences for Soviet policy, since the experience of the first years of the revolution showed that it was not enough to take the “fundamental levers” and expropriate the big banks and monopolistic groups in order to advance in the construction of a socialist economy. But it also had implications for the analysis of the dominated countries. On the one hand, the thesis on imperialism maintained that backward countries became the object of plunder and pillage, which implied the impossibility of capitalist development and bourgeois democratic reforms. However, on the other hand, Marxists continued to think that “free competition” capitalism developed in backward countries, giving rise to bourgeois democratic regimes. Thus, in the discussion at the Eighth Congress of the Communist Party, Lenin leaned towards this second scenario:
“… the characteristic of all countries is that capitalism is still developing in many places. This is true for the whole of Asia, for all countries moving towards bourgeois democracy, as well as for a whole series of regions of Russia” (Lenin, 1973a, p. 429).

This was equivalent to saying that the imperialist phenomenon did not affect the laws of accumulation in backward countries. However, if plunder and colonial robbery prevailed as a method of extracting the surplus, capitalist development would be blocked and there would be no possibility of evolution towards bourgeois democracy. At the national level, in backward countries, despite the growing influence of monopoly, the law of value and accumulation in a "Marxian" sense seemed to predominate. But on the international level, weight was given to the relations of force and the extraction of the surplus by non-economic means, which would also affect internal economies. This question was to be at the heart of the problems of the theories on dependency and imperialism throughout the twentieth century.

The theoretical dichotomy is also expressed in the sense that Lenin gives to the word “superstructure” when referring to imperialism. Lenin explains that he uses the term in the same way that Marx had used it to describe the relationship between manufacturing and rural or artisanal domestic production. According to Marx, manufacturing had not been able to take over or revolutionize social production in any depth, due to its narrow technical base; small production had continued more or less unchanged, while manufacturing crowned this base in the manner of an “economic work of artifice.” (Marx, 1999, vol. 1, p. 448) In this way Marx refers to qualitatively different laws , those that govern small artisanal and domestic production, on the one hand; and those that govern developed capitalist production. It seems justified then to conclude that the meaning that Lenin gives to the notion of imperialism is that of an economic form different – at least in essential aspects – from that of capitalism. This would also explain why he speaks of “the transformation of capitalism into imperialism” (Lenin, 1973b, p. 100, our emphasis) and why he considers that this economic form affected “ only ” some branches or aspects of the system. In short, according to Lenin, two dynamics coexisted, giving rise to a heterogeneous economic-social formation: at the “base”, capitalist production, determined by the law of value, which continued to operate at the national level. In the “superstructure”, monopoly, with pillage, price manipulation and the decrease in importance of the law of value and surplus value. This economic superstructure in turn would determine another “superstructure”, made up of colonial and annexationist policies, arms, diplomacy of force and war, shaping the space of the world market and relations between countries.


Duality in fundamental contradictions :

The above problem can also be raised from the point of view of the fundamental contradictions of the system that Marx and the Marxists analysed. In the view of Capital , crises are the result of the contradictory development of productive forces; capital invests, spurred on by competitive warfare, which tends to weaken the rate of profit, and this is at the origin of crises. Crises are due to the over-accumulation of capital. However, the idea that capitalism had reached a point where monopoly dominated over competition posed a very different dynamic, marked by stagnation. It is therefore not surprising that in this theoretical climate of the primacy of monopoly and non-economic forms of surplus extraction, Marx's law of the tendency of the rate of profit to fall was barely discussed among Marxists at the beginning of the 20th century. Nor should it be surprising that Lenin appealed to underconsumption theories to explain the crisis. These biases are revealing of the fact that the monopoly thesis affected the idea of capitalist development as it was put forward in Capital . This also explains why Marxists thought that the central antagonisms – with an importance at least equal to the antagonism between capital and labour – were located at the level of the States. The idea of “the weakest link in the imperialist chain” (Lenin) and the revolutionary situation that arose from it, is inscribed in this logic. The fundamental contradiction was between “the growth of the productive forces of production of the world economy and the borders that separate nations and States” (cited by Trotsky, 1974, p. 124). This formulation, which already belongs to the Third International in Stalin’s time – Program for the Sixth Congress – was widely shared by the left. It is symptomatic that Trotsky, a critic of the theses of the Sixth Congress, quotes the above passage, stating that “it should be the cornerstone of an international programme” (1974, p. 124). The sum of contradictions would make a moderately “normal” development of the imperialist-monopolistic system impossible, and its collapse would be based on the contradiction between nation-states and internationalised productive forces. The theoretical dichotomy that we have pointed out was in fact reabsorbed into a monist vision of the tendency towards catastrophe of the system, based on the weight acquired by the antagonisms between states.


Law of value and the thesis of monopoly-imperialist capital :

The above explains a fact that David Harvey pointed out a few years ago: the difficulty of bringing imperialist studies into line with Marx's theory of value and capital. Harvey argued that imperialist studies are hard pressed to base their findings on Marx's own theoretical structure" (1999, p. 441). To make the issue clearer, we can summarize the main features that emerge from the law of value and surplus value (LVP), on the one hand, and the monopoly-imperialist capital thesis (MICT) on the other, as follows:

The LVP argues that capital dominates prices; prices are an objective phenomenon, they are the fetishized forms in which socially necessary labor times are expressed and as such cannot be consciously controlled. The TCMI argues that monopolies dominate prices; that the economy is to a certain extent consciously controlled by these monopolies.

The LVP argues that the mechanisms for extracting the surplus are economic; the worker, not the owner of the means of production, is forced to sell his labour power to the capitalist; political-military coercion acts as a guarantor or “framework” of exploitation. The TCMI considers extra-economic coercion to be central to the extraction of the surplus; political and military subordination (colonial or semi-colonial regime) is essential; that is why it speaks of robbery or plunder.

The LVP argues that exploitation occurs primarily between social classes. Class exploitation is becoming increasingly central and social polarization is becoming more pronounced within the capitalist formation. The TCMI places the exploitation of populations and countries by other populations and countries on a level of importance at least similar to class exploitation. The former grows in importance to the extent that productive forces stagnate in mature countries and layers of the working class in these countries are bribed with the fruits of the exploitation of weaker countries.

The LVP argues that colonialism is associated with early capitalism, but then gives rise to the development of the capitalist world market; in the peripheries, capitalist modes of production and indigenous capitalist classes, dependent on the world market, develop. The TCMI argues that there is an impulse to block capitalist development in the periphery – due to the extraction of the surplus through colonialism, pillage, theft – and consequently considers it impossible (or at least very unlikely) for a bourgeois class with its own roots to emerge in these countries.

The LVP argues that the global expansion of capital is based on the dynamics of accumulation; the schemes of expanded reproduction (of Marx) demonstrate that the barrier to the development of productive forces is not the lack of consumption by the working masses; crises are periodic, but nothing shows that a final stage has been reached from which further development of productive forces is impossible in economic terms; which raises the need for revolutionary action by the working class to put an end to capitalism. The TCMI argues that the export of capital and the drive towards colonialism and annexation derive from the impossibility of realizing products in the metropolises, or of profitable investments. That is, from the tendency towards exhaustion of the system.

The LVP argues that financial capital – which it identifies with money capital – participates in surplus value, as it embodies the private ownership of the means of production and is a form of capital existence; bank capital enters into the equalization of the rate of profit as another fraction of capital; money capital fulfills an essential function for the cycle of capital, since there is no capitalism without credit. The TCMI argues that financial capital fulfills the role of a parasite, and has come to definitively dominate productive capital. The idea of “parasite” refers to an organism that lives at the expense of another – productive capital – and does not fulfill any function in society.

The LVP argues that the fundamental contradiction is located at the level of productive forces and relations of production, and is manifested in the class war between capital and labor. The TCMI points out that the essential contradiction, which would lead to the destruction of the system, is that which exists between national borders and internationalized productive forces. This contradiction explodes in world wars and is articulated, at least at the same level of importance, with the contradiction between productive forces and relations of production, and the corresponding class antagonisms.

The idea I am putting forward, based on these questions, is that in today's globalized capitalism the law of labor value operates at all levels - at the level of the world market and the large transnational corporations, and also within countries - and therefore there are not two structures with different laws, but one, that of the capitalist mode of production. In particular, I maintain that capital in the periphery reproduces itself according to the logic of accumulation studied by Marx, and in doing so, it reproduces on an expanded scale the relationship of exploitation, just as it happens, in its essential lines, in the countries of the center. This implies that the contradiction between capital and labor has become dominant in the Third World as well, to the same extent that the forms of extra-economic coercion (colonialism in particular) for the extraction of the surplus have lost relevance .


Literature:


Arrighi, G. (1978): The Geometry of Imperialism , Mexico, Siglo XXI.

Bukharin, N. (1971): Imperialism and the World Economy , Córdoba, Past and Present.

Harvey, D. (1990): The Limits of Capitalism and Marxist Theory , Mexico, FCE.

Hilferding, R. (1963): Financial Capital , Madrid, Tecnos.

Hobson, J. A. (1902): Imperialism, A Study , London, Allen and Unwin.

Lenin, N. (1973): Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism , Buenos Aires, Cartago, Selected Works, vol. 3.

Lenin, N. (1973a): “Eighth Congress of the PC(b) R”, idem, vol. 5.

Lenin, N. (1973b): “Seventh Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (b)”, ibid., t. 5.

Marx, K. (1999): Capital , Madrid, Siglo XXI.

Trotsky, L. (1974): Stalin, the great organizer of defeats , Buenos Aires, Yunque.

 
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