History of colombian marihuana

[funkyhorse]

This historical essay attached is the only document I found in english language about the history of colombian marihuana

Many historical facts dont match claims from pedigrees coming from modern canna
Haze is not colombian
When haze was made, the only colombian strain was Punto Rojo grown in the Andes basin at low scale, not for export

Colombian Gold was created in 1972, 4 years after haze
The mauve in haze is not from Colombia and when haze was created the first hippy gringo was landing in Guajira finding nothing there

The lack of correct pedigree in the canna world is rampant and very problematic and goes against having good quality weed

 

[Creeperpark]

This historical essay attached is the only document I found in english language about the history of colombian marihuana

Many historical facts dont match claims from pedigrees coming from modern canna
Haze is not colombian
When haze was made, the only colombian strain was Punto Rojo grown in the Andes basin at low scale, not for export

Colombian Gold was created in 1972, 4 years after haze
The mauve in haze is not from Colombia and when haze was created the first hippy gringo was landing in Guajira finding nothing there

The lack of correct pedigree in the canna world is rampant and very problematic and goes against having good quality weed

Your paper is not pulling up for some reason. Can you reload it so I can read it? Sounds very interesting.

 

[Creeperpark]

Never mind I got and is a really interesting read too. Thanks for sharing.

 

[Raco]

Hola funkyhorse
Muchas gracias...muy interesante!!

 

[Brother Nature]

Cool read, thanks mate.

 

[Eltitoguay]

This other article by a Doctor in History and Bachelor in Economics from the National University of Colombia about marijuana there during the 20th century, reports cultivation, trafficking and arrests, in the whole Colombian Caribbean region, since 1925... Maybe that first gringo who landed later in La Guajira, didn't take a good look...

Abstract

"... I'm lost, I'm a marijuana user, I'm going to drink, I'm going to dance, to the sound of my song..."
Porfirio Barba Jacob, "Ballad of Crazy Joy"
​

Marihuana consumption in Colombia did not become spread as a simple result of its increased use as part of the north-American counterculture of the 1960s. Even though increased crop growing spiraled to satisfy north-American demand at the end of the 1960s and 1970s, there was an important market for domestic consumption in Colombia. On the other hand, "exonerating-type" academic literature tending to see countries such as Colombia as the passive "victims" of of externally-induced phenomena is questioned.
Marijuana consumption in Colombia did not spread as a simple result of the increase in its use, in the North American counterculture of the 60s. Even less, marijuana can be considered as a "counterrevolutionary weapon" against "rebellious Latin American youth" who " were blocked in their march toward a generalized Cuban revolution," as Arango and Child (1986) point out. Even less, we could agree with the statement that "the peace corps of the Alliance for Progress served as useful idiots to the Pentagon, to spread the counterculture of marijuana and rock in the universities and villages of the Andes." " (Arango and Child 1986, 1441 ). Even the academic literature on the topic of drug trafficking tends to be "exculpatory" and to see countries like Colombia as victims of phenomena induced from outside (Camacho Guizado 1988 and Tovar Pinzón 1999).

Although crops would increase dramatically to satisfy North American demand, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, there was already an important market for domestic consumption in Colombia, as illustrated in this article. Hence, we do not agree with the statement of Roberto Junguito and Carlos Caballero Argáez who maintained, in an article published three decades ago, "It is known... that its cultivation has been increasing in the last three or four years having started in very small areas of land at the end of the 60s" (Junguito Bonnet and Caballero Argáez 1978, 118). Where there was a strong North American influence, it was in the perceptions and policies that led to the condemnation of the use of marijuana since the late 1930s.

More than a decade ago, Francisco Thoumi noted that writings mentioning the existence of marijuana cultivation and consumption in Colombia before the export boom were based on "impressionistic...evidence" (Thoumi 1994, 124). In fact, not much progress has been made in this regard in recent literature. This work seeks to remedy this gap using the raw material of historical studies: unpublished documentation taken from archives. To this end, we worked with the correspondence of the Ministries of Government and Foreign Affairs of Colombia, in the General Archive of the Nation in Bogotá, and with the National Archives of the United States in Collage Park, Maryland. The evidence presented shows that marijuana already had a long history in Colombia, before any North American influence.

THE EARLY BAN
In the United States, marijuana use was not considered a public health problem until the 1930s. Until then, it was perceived as a vice of minority ethnic groups, bohemians, jazz musicians, sailors and other marginal elements in society. . A North American government report stated that the use of marijuana in the United States "was particularly noticeable among Hispanic Americans and the Spanish-speaking population. The sale of cannabis cigarettes occurs to a considerable extent in the states bordering Mexico and in the cities of the southwest and the west, the same as in the city of New York and, in fact, wherever there are colonies of Hispanics Americans" (Federal Bureau of Narcotics 1930, 15 and Musto 1993, 248-254). When it began to be reported that young Anglos were consuming the "weed", pressure began from groups of educators and religious communities to declare it illegal. The Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN), the North American federal agency in charge of repressing drug trafficking, was behind efforts to criminalize marijuana, advertising it as a drug that induced violence among those who smoked it. All of these pressures were successful when President Franklin D. Roosevelt enacted the Marijuana Tax Act in August 1937, which criminalized the sale as a federal crime (Himmelstein 1983 58-71; Morgan 1981, 138-142; Walter 1989, 99-107 ).

Curiously, and perhaps due to recent legislation and strong campaigns against marijuana in the United States, its effects were rated worse than those of other drugs. Harry Anslinger, director of the FBN, stated: "Prolonged marijuana use... usually leads to insanity, as well as crime" (Jonnes 1996, 160), adding, "fifty percent of violent crimes committed in the districts inhabited by Mexicans, Spaniards, other Hispanics Americans and Greeks, can be traced to this evil... the worst of evils" (Speaker 2004, 215). The medical specialist, Lawrence Kolb, stated: "...marijuana is a dangerous drug, much more harmful, in certain respects than opium" (Musto 1972). At a conference organized by the FBN in December 1938, Kolb himself emphasized that: "...the alcoholic, a marijuana user, causes many crimes" (Marihuana Conference 1938).

In Colombia, the authorities were already aware of the existence of marijuana crops in 1925, as well as its consumption by sailors, stevedores and prostitutes in the ports (Ruíz Hernández 1979, 111). However, only from the pressure against marijuana and its recent illegalization in the United States, a similar effect was had in Colombia. For example, the Hygiene Magazine, the official organ of the Ministry of Hygiene, published in September 1939, an article by Kolb titled "Marijuana, the herb that drives you crazy."2 , and although measures related to marijuana already existed in Colombia since the 1920s (Sáenz Rovner 1997, 5; López Restrepo 2000, 91), in this same month, the Colombian government absolutely prohibited the cultivation of marijuana; ordered the destruction of existing plantations; and established that those who violate this provision would be punished "as illegal traffickers in heroic drugs... in accordance with the penal code"3 .

For the sake of comparison, it can be remembered that in countries like Cuba, anti-marijuana campaigns replicated the discourse that related marijuana to violence and crimes (Sáenz Rovner 2005, 55-56). In Mexico, there was a strong debate: while the Excelsior newspaper pointed out that many crimes were carried out "under the pathological influence of marijuana", senior government officials questioned the official North American vision and even proposed treatments - and not punishments - for the crimes. addicted to other drugs; Finally, and thanks to pressure from Anslinger and the North American government, which established an embargo on the sale of legal drugs to Mexico, the Mexican government opted for repression of consumers (Walker 1989, Astorga 2003).

DESPITE THE PROHIBITION...
Despite new legislation in Colombia, marijuana cases remained common in the late 1930s and early 1940s in cities like Barranquilla: from the sale of a few cigarettes4 , to the case of a couple in whom a kilo and a half of marijuana was found (the woman evaded justice and her husband served a sentence of
almost six months in prison5 ).

An official report from 1939 on marijuana on the Caribbean Coast noted that marijuana cigarettes "are generally sold in brothels or in establishments frequented by the lower social classes. Also in 'fritangas' and in guarapo sales."6 . The National Government undertook a campaign "joining the persecution of traffickers and consumers in their campaigns. For example, for several days a film was shown in several towns that [showed] the havoc caused by indica cannabis."7 .

In February 1940, the Colombian government indicated that "the campaign to combat the use of marijuana has given satisfactory results" and indicated, as supposed proof, that the supply had been reduced and that cigarettes reached the very high price, in terms purchasing power of the time, one peso and fifty cents8 . "The fight against drug addiction has been continued with optimistic results," declared the Minister of Labor, Hygiene and Social Welfare, describing the anti-drug policy in 1941 (Caicedo Castilla 1941, 10). However, the reality was different from the official rhetoric; The numerous arrests for possession, sale and even cultivation were repeated, especially in Barranquilla and its surroundings. Marijuana was easily acquired in brothels and slums in the city; "Yerba" was cultivated, both in the Department of Atlántico and in the neighboring Department of Magdalena. Through archival research, we have been able to document nearly 60 cases of possession, sale and cultivation of marijuana in Barranquilla and its surroundings between 1940 and 1944.9 . Hence, it is not surprising that a North American report from 1945 indicated that the production and consumption of marijuana had increased considerably in Barranquilla. This report even indicated that the Mexican ship Hidalgo had made three trips to Barranquilla in just six months with "enormous quantities" of marijuana and seeds to be planted. Consumers, according to the report, could purchase the "weed" from taxi drivers or in brothels and the price of a marijuana cigarette had dropped to ten cents, a negligible price compared to what had been reported in the official Colombian report of 194010 .

Regarding arrests for marijuana in other cities on the Atlantic Coast, in the early 1940s, cases of sellers can be documented in Cartagena, Santa Marta and Fundacióneleven . Likewise, there were several cases in the interior of the country, especially in the Department of Caldas; For example, two individuals were caught with three pounds of marijuana for sale in Manizales; The "weed", apparently, came from Pereira and was grown on the plot of the house of the mother of one of the detainees.12 .

A 1946 law (called the "Consuegra Law" because it was presented by Barranquilla senator Néstor Consuegra), toughened the penalties for the sale and consumption of marijuana, considering them crimes against public health ( Semana 1949; López Restrepo 2000, 92). The government of President Mariano Ospina Pérez issued another decree against marijuana in 1949, after noting that marijuana "has poisonous properties and is habit-forming... its cultivation and trade tend only to cause great harm to the health of its associates." .." decreed: "The cultivation and trade of marijuana is prohibited in the territory of the Republic," and ordered the authorities to proceed "with the immediate destruction of existing plants." Penalties of six months to five years in prison were set, which could be increased for those who supplied marijuana to minors or addicts.13 . Another decree from 1951 described "those who grow and trade marijuana as criminals"14 .

Despite the decrees, cases of cultivation, possession or sale of marijuana continued to be relatively common in Atlántico, Magdalena and Bolívarfifteen . Likewise, in Medellín, according to one observer: smoking marijuana was already "very common" in brothels, cantinas, and even in theaters in the middle of the century.16 , while local authorities also reported cases of "weed" trafficking in the Department of Antioquia17 . As a report from a Colombian magazine with national circulation concluded in 1949: "...marijuana cigarettes continue to be smoked, as always, despite criminal restrictions, in the so-called 'bonches' (groups of smokers) that They can be located in an intimate gathering, in the house of some addict, or on a walk, on a public road, late at night" (Semana, 1949).(...)

LA "PREHISTORIA" DE LA MARIHUANA EN COLOMBIA: CONSUMO Y CULTIVOS ENTRE LOS AÑOS 30 Y 60

 

[Creeperpark]

This other article by a Doctor in History and Bachelor in Economics from the National University of Colombia about marijuana there during the 20th century, reports cultivation, trafficking and arrests, in the whole Colombian Caribbean region, since 1925... Maybe that first gringo who landed later in La Guajira, didn't take a good look...

Abstract

"... I'm lost, I'm a marijuana user, I'm going to drink, I'm going to dance, to the sound of my song..."
Porfirio Barba Jacob, "Ballad of Crazy Joy"
​

Marihuana consumption in Colombia did not become spread as a simple result of its increased use as part of the north-American counterculture of the 1960s. Even though increased crop growing spiraled to satisfy north-American demand at the end of the 1960s and 1970s, there was an important market for domestic consumption in Colombia. On the other hand, "exonerating-type" academic literature tending to see countries such as Colombia as the passive "victims" of of externally-induced phenomena is questioned.
Marijuana consumption in Colombia did not spread as a simple result of the increase in its use, in the North American counterculture of the 60s. Even less, marijuana can be considered as a "counterrevolutionary weapon" against "rebellious Latin American youth" who " were blocked in their march toward a generalized Cuban revolution," as Arango and Child (1986) point out. Even less, we could agree with the statement that "the peace corps of the Alliance for Progress served as useful idiots to the Pentagon, to spread the counterculture of marijuana and rock in the universities and villages of the Andes." " (Arango and Child 1986, 1441 ). Even the academic literature on the topic of drug trafficking tends to be "exculpatory" and to see countries like Colombia as victims of phenomena induced from outside (Camacho Guizado 1988 and Tovar Pinzón 1999).

Although crops would increase dramatically to satisfy North American demand, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, there was already an important market for domestic consumption in Colombia, as illustrated in this article. Hence, we do not agree with the statement of Roberto Junguito and Carlos Caballero Argáez who maintained, in an article published three decades ago, "It is known... that its cultivation has been increasing in the last three or four years having started in very small areas of land at the end of the 60s" (Junguito Bonnet and Caballero Argáez 1978, 118). Where there was a strong North American influence, it was in the perceptions and policies that led to the condemnation of the use of marijuana since the late 1930s.

More than a decade ago, Francisco Thoumi noted that writings mentioning the existence of marijuana cultivation and consumption in Colombia before the export boom were based on "impressionistic...evidence" (Thoumi 1994, 124). In fact, not much progress has been made in this regard in recent literature. This work seeks to remedy this gap using the raw material of historical studies: unpublished documentation taken from archives. To this end, we worked with the correspondence of the Ministries of Government and Foreign Affairs of Colombia, in the General Archive of the Nation in Bogotá, and with the National Archives of the United States in Collage Park, Maryland. The evidence presented shows that marijuana already had a long history in Colombia, before any North American influence.

THE EARLY BAN
In the United States, marijuana use was not considered a public health problem until the 1930s. Until then, it was perceived as a vice of minority ethnic groups, bohemians, jazz musicians, sailors and other marginal elements in society. . A North American government report stated that the use of marijuana in the United States "was particularly noticeable among Latin Americans and the Spanish-speaking population. The sale of cannabis cigarettes occurs to a considerable extent in the states bordering Mexico and in the cities of the southwest and the west, the same as in the city of New York and, in fact, wherever there are colonies of Latin Americans" (Federal Bureau of Narcotics 1930, 15 and Musto 1993, 248-254). When it began to be reported that young Anglos were consuming the "weed", pressure began from groups of educators and religious communities to declare it illegal. The Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN), the North American federal agency in charge of repressing drug trafficking, was behind efforts to criminalize marijuana, advertising it as a drug that induced violence among those who smoked it. All of these pressures were successful when President Franklin D. Roosevelt enacted the Marijuana Tax Act in August 1937, which criminalized the sale as a federal crime (Himmelstein 1983 58-71; Morgan 1981, 138-142; Walter 1989, 99-107 ).

Curiously, and perhaps due to recent legislation and strong campaigns against marijuana in the United States, its effects were rated worse than those of other drugs. Harry Anslinger, director of the FBN, stated: "Prolonged marijuana use... usually leads to insanity, as well as crime" (Jonnes 1996, 160), adding, "fifty percent of violent crimes committed in the districts inhabited by Mexicans, Spaniards, Latin Americans and Greeks, can be traced to this evil... the worst of evils" (Speaker 2004, 215). The medical specialist, Lawrence Kolb, stated: "...marijuana is a dangerous drug, much more harmful, in certain respects than opium" (Musto 1972). At a conference organized by the FBN in December 1938, Kolb himself emphasized that: "...the alcoholic, a marijuana user, causes many crimes" (Marihuana Conference 1938).

In Colombia, the authorities were already aware of the existence of marijuana crops in 1925, as well as its consumption by sailors, stevedores and prostitutes in the ports (Ruíz Hernández 1979, 111). However, only from the pressure against marijuana and its recent illegalization in the United States, a similar effect was had in Colombia. For example, the Hygiene Magazine, the official organ of the Ministry of Hygiene, published in September 1939, an article by Kolb titled "Marijuana, the herb that drives you crazy."2 , and although measures related to marijuana already existed in Colombia since the 1920s (Sáenz Rovner 1997, 5; López Restrepo 2000, 91), in this same month, the Colombian government absolutely prohibited the cultivation of marijuana; ordered the destruction of existing plantations; and established that those who violate this provision would be punished "as illegal traffickers in heroic drugs... in accordance with the penal code"3 .

For the sake of comparison, it can be remembered that in countries like Cuba, anti-marijuana campaigns replicated the discourse that related marijuana to violence and crimes (Sáenz Rovner 2005, 55-56). In Mexico, there was a strong debate: while the Excelsior newspaper pointed out that many crimes were carried out "under the pathological influence of marijuana", senior government officials questioned the official North American vision and even proposed treatments - and not punishments - for the crimes. addicted to other drugs; Finally, and thanks to pressure from Anslinger and the North American government, which established an embargo on the sale of legal drugs to Mexico, the Mexican government opted for repression of consumers (Walker 1989, Astorga 2003).

DESPITE THE PROHIBITION...
Despite new legislation in Colombia, marijuana cases remained common in the late 1930s and early 1940s in cities like Barranquilla: from the sale of a few cigarettes4 , to the case of a couple in whom a kilo and a half of marijuana was found (the woman evaded justice and her husband served a sentence of
almost six months in prison5 ).

An official report from 1939 on marijuana on the Caribbean Coast noted that marijuana cigarettes "are generally sold in brothels or in establishments frequented by the lower social classes. Also in 'fritangas' and in guarapo sales."6 . The National Government undertook a campaign "joining the persecution of traffickers and consumers in their campaigns. For example, for several days a film was shown in several towns that [showed] the havoc caused by indica cannabis."7 .

In February 1940, the Colombian government indicated that "the campaign to combat the use of marijuana has given satisfactory results" and indicated, as supposed proof, that the supply had been reduced and that cigarettes reached the very high price, in terms purchasing power of the time, one peso and fifty cents8 . "The fight against drug addiction has been continued with optimistic results," declared the Minister of Labor, Hygiene and Social Welfare, describing the anti-drug policy in 1941 (Caicedo Castilla 1941, 10). However, the reality was different from the official rhetoric; The numerous arrests for possession, sale and even cultivation were repeated, especially in Barranquilla and its surroundings. Marijuana was easily acquired in brothels and slums in the city; "Yerba" was cultivated, both in the Department of Atlántico and in the neighboring Department of Magdalena. Through archival research, we have been able to document nearly 60 cases of possession, sale and cultivation of marijuana in Barranquilla and its surroundings between 1940 and 1944.9 . Hence, it is not surprising that a North American report from 1945 indicated that the production and consumption of marijuana had increased considerably in Barranquilla. This report even indicated that the Mexican ship Hidalgo had made three trips to Barranquilla in just six months with "enormous quantities" of marijuana and seeds to be planted. Consumers, according to the report, could purchase the "weed" from taxi drivers or in brothels and the price of a marijuana cigarette had dropped to ten cents, a negligible price compared to what had been reported in the official Colombian report of 194010 .

Regarding arrests for marijuana in other cities on the Atlantic Coast, in the early 1940s, cases of sellers can be documented in Cartagena, Santa Marta and Fundacióneleven . Likewise, there were several cases in the interior of the country, especially in the Department of Caldas; For example, two individuals were caught with three pounds of marijuana for sale in Manizales; The "weed", apparently, came from Pereira and was grown on the plot of the house of the mother of one of the detainees.12 .

A 1946 law (called the "Consuegra Law" because it was presented by Barranquilla senator Néstor Consuegra), toughened the penalties for the sale and consumption of marijuana, considering them crimes against public health ( Semana 1949; López Restrepo 2000, 92). The government of President Mariano Ospina Pérez issued another decree against marijuana in 1949, after noting that marijuana "has poisonous properties and is habit-forming... its cultivation and trade tend only to cause great harm to the health of its associates." .." decreed: "The cultivation and trade of marijuana is prohibited in the territory of the Republic," and ordered the authorities to proceed "with the immediate destruction of existing plants." Penalties of six months to five years in prison were set, which could be increased for those who supplied marijuana to minors or addicts.13 . Another decree from 1951 described "those who grow and trade marijuana as criminals"14 .

Despite the decrees, cases of cultivation, possession or sale of marijuana continued to be relatively common in Atlántico, Magdalena and Bolívarfifteen . Likewise, in Medellín, according to one observer: smoking marijuana was already "very common" in brothels, cantinas, and even in theaters in the middle of the century.16 , while local authorities also reported cases of "weed" trafficking in the Department of Antioquia17 . As a report from a Colombian magazine with national circulation concluded in 1949: "...marijuana cigarettes continue to be smoked, as always, despite criminal restrictions, in the so-called 'bonches' (groups of smokers) that They can be located in an intimate gathering, in the house of some addict, or on a walk, on a public road, late at night" (Semana, 1949).(...)

LA "PREHISTORIA" DE LA MARIHUANA EN COLOMBIA: CONSUMO Y CULTIVOS ENTRE LOS AÑOS 30 Y 60

Super read friend thanks. Very interesting and worth the time to read. .

 

[Eltitoguay]

Super read friend thanks. Very interesting and worth the time to read. .

The good thing about this article is that its data is endorsed with police reports, ministerial reports, and news in the press of the time. This article/study is focused only on the 20th century.

 

[Eltitoguay]

"... I'm lost, I'm a marijuana user, I'm going to drink, I'm going to dance, to the sound of my song..."
Porfirio Barba Jacob, "Ballad of Crazy Joy"

As for the quote that opens the article, think that P. Barba Jacob lived between 1883 and 1942...(The part cited in bold, I believe, is very similar to a medieval poem from Islamic Spain)



BALLAD OF WILD JOY:
My glass full — the wine of the Anahuac —
my effort vain — my passion sterile —
I am a wastrel — I am a marihuano —
drinking, dancing to the sound of my song…

Gird the fragrant thyrsus, touch the gay cymbal.
A mad bacchante and an offending satyr
combine their amorous frenzy in my blood.
Athens shines, Praxiteles thinks and sculptures,
and refinement chains passion with roses.
Woe is penurious life that only gives its honey
with a certain rhythm and in a certain share!

Laugh, dance to the breath of Dionysius that inebriates the heart!
Death comes, all will be dust
under its sway; dust of Pericles,
dust of Codrus; dust of Cimon!

My glass full — the wine of the Anahuac —
my effort vain —my passion sterile —
I am a wastrel — I am a marihuano —
drinking, dancing to the sound of my song…

From fruitful Hispania, from delectable Gallia,
from ardent Numidia, and from every compass
that the Roman eagles drink,
comes pure damsels and avid courtesans.
Dance in voluptuous, lubricious episodes,
with the Nubian slaves, with the Rhodian sailors.
Flaminius, he of the crimson hair,
looks in the spa for men of pleasure
for Heliogabalus… Sing higher,
laugh, dance with Bacchic joy
and make the blood that inebriates the heart spring.
Death comes, all will be dust,
dust of Augustus, dust of Lucretius,
dust of Numa, dust of Nero.

My glass full — the wine of the Anahuac —
my effort vain — my passion sterile —
I am a wastrel — I am a marihuano —
drinking, dancing to the sound of my song…

Villagers of the Cauca smelling of white lilies,
mountain girls of Antioquia sweet as hives,
infantinas of Lima, unctuous and augural
and princesses of Mexico, like the family
cupboard where the best-tasting sweets are kept;
and young men of Cuba, languorous, sensual,
ardent, vacant
like ghosts passing through one of my dreams;
young men of the pleasant Cucastlán — oh ambrosia! —
and young men of Honduras
where they have blind larks for their dark jungles,
come and dance in the happy whirlwind:
laugh, play to the sound of my song;
the pineapple and the guanábana perfume the way
and a palm tree wine soothes the heart.

Death comes, all will be dust,
dust of Hidalgo, dust of Bolívar,
dust in the urn, and, the urn now broken,
dust in the blindness of the Boreas!

My glass full — the wine of the Anahuac —
my effort vain — my passion sterile —
I am a wastrel — I am a marihuano —
drinking, dancing to the sound of my song…

The night is beautiful in its honeyed drunkenness,
the earth is pleasant behind its veil of fog;
Life is sweet, with a sweetness of trills;
love sings, the young pages grow tall;
the world is peopled, destinies are weaved…
Let the juice of the vineyards soothe my heart!
To drink! To dance in turbulent whirlwinds:
the effort is vain, illusion is useless!

 

[funkyhorse]

Maybe that first gringo who landed later in La Guajira, didn't take a good look

Very interesting article thank you for posting
The most interesting part of the article in spanish is the part you didnt post with the reports from police bulletin. We cannot access those bulletins but we trust the scholars
In 1952 in La Guajira

Un informe confidencial del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Colombia en 1952 señalaba que Santa Marta se había convertido en un, muy importante, origen de marihuana exportada a diferentes puertos de la Florida a donde era enviada en buques que transportaban banano. El reporte afirmaba que un personaje conocido como "T el T" cultivaba la "yerba" en una finca cercana a Santa Marta, aprovisionaba los burdeles locales y era el principal exportador18. En 1957, se reportó que marineros colombianos habían llevado marihuana a Nueva Orleáns a bordo del buque "Ciudad de Bogotá" de la Flota Mercante Grancolombiana19. Incluso había sospechas de que se estaba exportando marihuana colombiana a otros países, además de Estados Unidos; por ejemplo, algunos años atrás, se había decomisado una libra del producto, en un barco de bandera argentina en Buenos Aires y "se sospechaba que había sido contrabandeada desde Colombia"20.

I think the first gringo who landed in 68 probably had excellent local contact waiting for him or he would have gone to Cauca, Caldas and Antioquia area where the buck of the grow was at that time and both scholars are not contradicting themselves in that. The problem was 68 was a very violent year, civil war, and the main area of violence was Cauca

En 1961, en el informe presentado por la delegación colombiana al Grupo Consultivo Interamericano sobre fiscalización de estupefacientes, en Río de Janeiro, se informó (utilizando un reporte de la policía secreta del país) que se cultivaba marihuana en el Valle del Cauca, Caldas y Antioquia. En el Valle se cultivaba en Cali y en la zona rural de Buga, el reporte indicaba que "es bastante voluminosa la producción y el tráfico.

It is reported catches in La Guajira, in this part both scholars report different

En febrero de 1968, la policía localizó un cultivo de tres hectáreas de marihuana, en una finca, en las estribaciones de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta38. En la zona rural de Ciénaga se descubrió, a mediados de 1969, otro cultivo de marihuana39. Los casos por tráfico de marihuana se repetían en diferentes lugares del departamento40 y en numerosas oportunidades, fueron capturadas varias personas, en uno de los casos se decomisaron 30 libras de la "yerba"41.

But it is not spread all around like it was since 1974. It was just one finca with 3 hectares, meaning probably 30.000 plants and 3 tonnes in total. This is for local consumption and a little bit for export

You need to put this into the correct chronological context and time, not easy to do from the future

Conflicto armado interno de Colombia en el Frente Nacional - Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre

es.wikipedia.org

What happened after 1974 it is part of the colombian history it is called bonanza marimbera, no english translation

Bonanza marimbera - Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre

es.wikipedia.org

Feliz Navidad a todos